BOOK VII.

FROM THE SUBMISSION OF THE DUKE OF BAVARIA TO THE BAPTISM OF WITIKIND, AND THE SUPPRESSION OF THE REVOLT OF BRITANNY.

FROM 782 TO 785.

 

The winter after the monarch's return from Italy, in ad 781, passed by in peace; nor, indeed, had he cause to apprehend war from any other quarter than from Saxony, whose treacherous and versatile inhabitants could never be relied upon, whatever promises they had made of obedience, whatever pledges they had given of tranquility. The monarch of the Francs had taken every measure which could be devised to ensure the permanence of his control,after the last expedition which he had been forced to undertake against them. The construction of fortresses, and the presence of armies, had not been the only methods he had employed. The introduction of the Christian religion was, as I have pointed out before, both an object and a means in the complete subdual of the people; and this he had left no effort unexerted to effect. He caused a number of churches to be built, and sent missionaries and prelates to superintend the religious instruction of the people, while he took care that neither pomp nor splendor should be wanting, to win the co-operating power of imagination, which, amongst a savage nation, is easily gained by that which addresses the external senses. Nor had the endeavor to conciliate, by every means of kindness and confidence, been neglected; and, that the Saxons might feel as little as possible the weight of a foreign domination, he had chosen the Dukes who were to reign over the different provinces t of Saxony from amongst the people themselves

The Saxons had submitted with apparent willingness, had been baptized, and had attended the court and camp of the French monarch with every appearance of satisfaction and contentment. Aware, however, of the uncertain nature of the barbarian character, Charlemagne did not choose to leave a land which had cost him so much labor to reduce to subjection, for any great length of time, without his presence; and in the spring of the year which followed his journey to Italy, he advanced into Saxony, and, encamping at the source of the Lippe, applied himself to establish as firmly as possible the basis of his newly acquired power

During his stay, he was visited by the ambassadors of several distant nations, amongst whom were missives from Sigifrid, King of Denmark, and from the Chagan of the Avars, or inhabitants of Hungaria. Both these monarchs solicited the amity of the Francs and their king; but, at the same time, Sigifrid had on all occasions afforded a refuge to Witikind, the great instigator of the Saxon irruptions, so that Charlemagne had just cause to doubt the sincerity of his friendly expressions. That great monarch, however, seems ever to have disdained to persecute a fugitive enemy. Adalgisus himself remained secure at the court of Irene, whose son was the betrothed husband of the French king's daughter; and, in the present instance, Charlemagne, without noticing the asylum granted to the Saxon chief, received the ambassadors of Sigifrid with the same pacific assurances which they bore from their sovereign.

INCURSION OF THE  SLAVONIANS  

After dismissing the envoys with honor, and completing his arrangements for the internal government of Saxony, the French monarch returned to France. But scarcely had he quitted Germany when a Slavonian tribe, called Sorabes, inhabiting a district between the Elbe and the Sale, upon the immediate frontiers of Saxony, took advantage of the monarch's absence, the confusion of a lately conquered country, and the invariable indifference, if not hatred, of a subdued people, to pour in upon the Saxons, ravaging also a part of Thuringia, which had long been dependent on France.

The invading force was so small, that the personal presence of Charlemagne did not seem called for, and he despatched Adalgisus, his chamberlain, Geilo, his constable, and Worado, count of his palace, with orders to march the united army of Francs and Saxons, which was probably not far from the spot, to check the progress, and punish the aggression of the Sclavonians.

In the meantime, issuing once more from his retreat in Denmark, Witikind had again appeared amongst the Saxons. The same energy of character, and the same powerful eloquence which he had before displayed, produced the same effect. The Saxons rose in every direction, expelled the ministers of the Christian religion, and, feeling now that the patience of their conqueror must be at length completely exhausted, they prepared for a war of a more fierce and resolute character than any of those they had hitherto sustained against the Francs.

The officers commanding the army, which was proceeding against the Slavonians, had no sooner entered Saxony, than they found the whole country in revolt; and wisely judging that the success of the insurrection in that province was likely to be far more fatal than the petty irruption of the Sorabes, they instantly determined to turn their arms against Witikind and his followers.

FRANCS DEFEATED AT SINTHAL

Whether the Saxons, who had composed part of their original force, voluntarily quitted them to join the party of the revolt, or whether, judging them unworthy of reliance, the generals left them behind, does not clearly appear; but it is certain, that only the oriental Francs marched towards the spot, where the insurgent Saxons were mustering. The army of the Francs was thus greatly weakened; but, at the same time, Theoderic, a cousin of Charlemagne, holding a provincial command on the banks of the Rhine, collected in haste all the troops of his government, and proceeded with prompt vigour to suppress the rising of the Saxons, before it had reached a still more dangerous height. The information which had caused his movement into Saxony, guided him towards the spot where his presence was necessary; and, marching on with all speed, he soon came up with the forces of Adalgisus and his companions, advancing with the same purpose as his own. The two armies united composed a very formidable host, and hurrying on together, they approached a mountain called Sonnethal, or Sinthal, near the banks of the Weser, on the northern side of which hill Witikind was encamped with the Saxons, whom he had induced to break their vows.

As soon as the news of his position was obtained, it was determined between Theoderic and the commanders of the other army, that a simultaneous attack should be made on both sides of the insurgent's camp. For this purpose, Adalgisus, Geilo, and Worado, were directed to cross the river with their forces, while Theoderic, during the time required for their march round the mountain, constructed an entrenched camp on the southern side, in order to secure a retreat in case of defeat. At an appointed hour the attack was to commence; and the united army of the Francs, with the advantages of discipline, experience, and well concerted operations, would undoubtedly have completely overthrown the crude forces of the Saxons, had not that unhappy spirit of jealousy, which has in all ages ruined so many noble enterprizes, mingled with the counsels of the Frankish chiefs.

Theoderic, the relation and friend of Charlemagne, was already renowned as a general; and the commanders of the other army were fearful that, if they admitted him to share in their attack upon Witikind, the glory of the victory which they felt sure of winning, would be solely attributed to him. Having received a separate command from their sovereign, they were not absolutely obliged to obey the orders of the duke; and, consequently, instead of waiting for the appointed time, they determined immediately after separating from Theoderic, to attack the Saxons at once. They accordingly advanced directly towards the enemy's camp; and despising an adversary whom they had so often beheld fly from the presence of Charlemagne, they felt confident of conquest, and took no precautions to ensure success.

Witikind had drawn up his army to receive them; and the Saxons had no choice but death or victory. So often had they ravaged the territories of France—been conquered and pardoned so often had they submitted, and again revolted; so often had they bound themselves by treaties and vows, and violated the most solemn and sacred engagements; so often had they abused the confidence, and mocked the religion of their conquerors, that they could hope for no safety but in triumph. They fought with courage, and were led with skill.

In the Frankish army, on the contrary, the misconduct of the leaders was, of course, followed by the misconduct of the troops. They attacked with insolent confidence, and careless confusion. Each spurred on his horse irregularly against the enemy as fast as he could come up; but, instead of finding fugitives to pursue, and plunder to be taken, they met with warriors, resistance, and death. Pouring in upon the centre of the Saxons which had the advantage of the ground, the Francs left the flanks of their army exposed. Witikind saw their mistake, their confusion, and their danger; and immediately caused the wings of the Saxon army to wheel upon his imprudent enemies. The French, disordered, with desperation, but fought in vain. The havoc was tremendous, and the battle of Sinthal was a massacre as well as a defeat. Two of the generals, whose crime and folly had thus exposed the army committed to their guidance, fell with their soldiers. The third, Worado, or Wolrad, fought his way out, and survived; but, besides the generals, four counts, and twenty of the noblest and most distinguished warriors of the Francs, remained dead upon the plain; while a few fugitives, flying over the mountains to the camp of Theoderic, brought to that general the first news of his companions' treachery and punishment.

CHARLEMAGNE'S UNUSUAL SEVERITY

The tidings of the defeat of Sinthal soon traveled into France, and Charlemagne himself, at the head of a large army, immediately passed the Rhine, and advanced, with the speed of lightning, towards the scene of the revolt. By this unhappy battle the glory of his arms had been tarnished, but the consequences which he anticipated were still more dreadful than the fact. For nine years he had been labouring to deliver France from the continual scourge of the Saxon irruptions. Fear had been the only engine which repressed them for a moment; and now, after so long a period of successful warfare, during which he had accomplished the security of his own dominions only by the subjection of theirs, all that he had done was entirely rendered void by one great defeat, which, restoring confidence to the people he had formerly subdued, held out a long prospect of wars and insurrections for the future. This expedition he resolved should now be one of chastisement, as well as repression. When conquered, and at his mercy, the Saxons had bound themselves, by the most solemn vows, never to bear arms against him again, and on the security of those vows he had shown them clemency; but now, that every engagement was broken, and infidelity had been encouraged by victory, he determined to punish as well as to conquer, and to wage the same exterminating warfare against his faithless and pertinacious enemies, that they had on all occasions waged against him.

His very name, however, was sufficient to carry dismay into the hearts of the Saxons. The courage which had animated them fled, their victorious army dispersed at his approach, like a morning mist before the sun; and their triumphant chief, abandoned by his followers, was obliged to seek safety in flight. At the same time, the nation flocked to meet the French monarch, glossing their infidelity with all the excuses which terror and cunning can suggest, and offering once more the treacherous vows with which he had been so often deceived.

Indignant at their baseness, and desirous of striking such terror into their hearts as would do away the consequences of their late victory, and make the impression of their punishment more deep than that of their success, Charlemagne unhappily forgot the clemency which was one of the most beautiful traits of his character. He pardoned the nation, it is true, and sheathed the fiery sword, which he had drawn with the purpose of wasting the whole land; but he demanded that those who had taken an armed and active share in the insurrection, should be given up to his vengeance. This was pusillanimously conceded by the rest of the Saxon people, and, as a terrible example for the future, the French monarch ordered four thousand five hundred of the most criminalt to be executed in one day.

There was, beyond doubt, much to palliate this tremendous act of severity. The dreadful evils which the Saxons had incessantly inflicted on France, their unceasing treachery, the broken vows and ruthless disregard of all engagements, of the very men who suffered, were all motives which may be admitted to qualify the awful sternness of the deed; but still humanity revolts from so terrible an act of punishment; and though Charlemagne was far more justified than many who have been less censured for similar acts, yet the death of the Saxons has left a stain upon his name, which has been magnified by the partialities, and distorted by the theories, of men equally unable to appreciate his virtues or his faults. As in the case of almost all severe measures, the effect he intended to produce, was not at all accomplished. Witikind had again fled into the north at the approach of Charlemagne; and, though the monarch of the Francs did not absent himself far or long from the confines of Saxony, before the next spring, the whole country was once more in revolt. The successes of the former year had given fresh hopes and expectations to the Saxons; and the death of their countrymen was far from impressing them with that terror, which the Frankish monarch had expected. Accustomed themselves to sacrifice their prisoners, the minds of the Saxons were perfectly made up to undergo the same destiny after a defeat; and, whereas a much lighter infliction, if it had taken some new and strange form, would probably have spread consternation through the whole country, a fate, however horrible, to the contemplation of which their minds were habituated, inspired but little fear, and produced a small effect. The memory of a battle gained against the Francs, however—an event which centuries had not seen—was not easily obliterated; and the consequences of the impulse thus given to the national hopes, was the raising of two armies, such as had never taken the field against Charlemagne before.

BATTLES OF DETHMOLD AND THE HASE

The monarch was early informed of the gathering storm, and speedily prepared to meet it; but a domestic grief, the death of Hildegarde, his Queen, which took place in April, retarded his movements against the enemy. Various other cares also occupied him till the middle of May; but about that time he quitted Thionville, where he had passed the winter, and advanced rapidly upon Dethmold, where the army of Witikind had taken up its position. We have no means of calculating the number of either force; but it is probable, from the expression of Eginhard, who calls the Saxon host "an innumerable multitude", as well as from the fact of their having stood, for the first time, the charge of Charlemagne, that the troops of the insurgents were numerically superior to those of the monarch. Charlemagne had no advantage but that of attack. He had come from a long and weary march, in a summer, the heat of which was so uncommonly intense, that several instances are mentioned of persons having died from its effects. The Saxons had chosen their own position; they were led by one of their greatest chiefs, were animated by the memory of victory under his command, and were stimulated by vengeance, superstition, and despair: nevertheless, the French monarch hesitated not a moment, but attacked them at once on their own ground; and, after a short, but terrible conflict, succeeded in almost annihilating their army.

Few are said to have escaped alive of all the Saxon host; but, of course, such a struggle could not take place, without great loss also on the part of the Francs. A hostile country, and another powerful army, were before the steps of Charlemagne; and his forces were too much weakened by the battle which he had just won, to admit of his advance, without much risk of his retreat being cut off. Retiring, therefore, upon Paderborn, he awaited the arrival of fresh troops, which were in preparation throughout France; and, immediately after their coming, he once more marched forward, to encounter the second army of the Saxons, which occupied the banks of the Hase, in Westphalia. Scarcely a month had elapsed after his former victory, when he achieved another, that completely destroyed the hopes of being able to contend with the Frankish monarch in general conflicts, with which the success of Witikind in the former year had inspired his countrymen. The army which opposed the passage of the river, was as totally defeated as that which had encountered Charlemagne near Dethmold; with this difference, however, in the event, that in the first battle fought, the greater part of the Saxons died where they stood, and in the second, a considerable number surrendered.

No severity of any kind seems to have been practised by Charlemagne towards his prisoners; and on the part of the Saxons, all thought of opposing the monarch himself, appears to have been abandoned, though the whole country continued still in revolt. The next two years were consumed in a desultory warfare, equally destructive to both parties; though, as the Saxons were the weaker of the two, the same extent of loss was more detrimental to them than to their enemies.

Witikind and Albion, who had commanded the two great armies of the insurgents, though conquered, were not subdued and while Charlemagne, determined to crush the revolt at any cost, marched through one part of the country, punishing insurrection and compelling submission, the rest of the land rose up behind his steps, and did away all that he had effected in his passage.

During those two years, only one event of importance chequered the monotonous character of the war. This was a victory gained on the banks of the Lippe by Charles, the eldest legitimate son of the French monarch. In order to overawe Westphalia, while he himself marched in a different direction, Charlemagne left a part of his army under the command of the Prince, then but twelve years old. The Saxons, hoping to strike a deep blow at the monarch in the person of his son, hastened to attack the young commander; but their efforts still proved unsuccessful. Both armies consisted entirely of cavalry, and, after a severe conflict, in which a great number of Saxons fell, victory remained with the Francs, and Charles returned to Worms, crowned with the earliest laurels that the annals of the world record. Whatever was the Prince's share in the victory—for it is not probable that Charlemagne committed such great interests solely to the inexperience of twelve years—the fact of Charles having, even nominally, commanded, shows at what an early period the Frankish youth were inured to arms, and may aid conjecture in regard to the cause of that people's long preponderance as a military nation.

At length, in the year 785, after having passed the winter in the heart of Saxony, and spent the most severe season of the year in traversing the land from side to side, and repressing revolt wherever it appeared, Charlemagne found the whole country once more completely subdued, Witikind and Albion had fled, and were now wandering on the other side of the Elbe, endeavouring to excite the people of that already devastated country to fresh, though fruitless revolt. But the French monarch now determined to try, by persuasion and kindness, to win the hearts of his two most constant and intractable opponents.

His first step was, through the intervention of some of their countrymen, to represent to them the inutility of farther resistance, and to invite them to his presence, with promises of security and favor. Neither of the Saxon chiefs, however, prone as their own nation was to the breach of all promises, would confide in the mere word of the French monarch; and Charlemagne offered hostages for their safety, if, by appearing at his court, they would but afford themselves an opportunity of comparing civilization and Christianity with the state of society and religion to which they had shown themselves so pertinaciously attached. With this proposal Amalvin, a Franc of distinction, was despatched across the Elbe, and the first direct communication being opened between Witikind and Charlemagne, the negotiations were easily concluded.

WITIKIND AND ALBION BAPTIZED

The French monarch, animated but by one view in the whole transaction, granted the Saxon chieftains whatever assurances of safety they demanded; and Witikind at length, satisfied of his sincerity, traversed the country, and visited his great conqueror at Bardingaw in Saxony. This visit, although its duration was but short, excited a strong desire in the bosom of the rude Saxon chieftain to see more of the splendid court and civilized people, whose monarch, he had too many reasons to know, was as irresistibly great in war as he now found him generous in peace. Such an inclination was doubtless encouraged by Charlemagne himself; and, after his return to France, he again received Witikind and Albion at Attigny, on the Aine. From that moment, a great change took place in the opinions of his two opponents. What means of conversion were used, and whether the minds of the Saxons were brought to conviction by the reasoning of Christian prelates, or whether their imaginations were dazzled, and their sight deceived by the pomps and pious frauds of the Romish church, we can only vaguely discover from very doubtful legends. The chronicles state the meager fact, that Witikind and Albion, after having opposed the Christian faith in their native land for many years, were solemnly baptized at the Palace of Attigny, where Charlemagne himself appeared as the sponsor for his conquered enemies. Doubtless, no art was left unemployed by the zealous advocates of the church to win the Saxon chiefs to the renunciation of paganism; but all that is positively stated in regard to Charlemagne himself is, that, after having honored them highly during their stay, he dismissed them to their own land, loaded with costly presents. The whole of Saxony now at once embraced the Christian religion; the churches which had been burnt were rebuilt, and others were constructed. The priests who had fled returned to their altars, and universal thanksgivings were ordered by the Catholic church, for the establishment of the faith of Christ, amongst the obstinate idolaters of the north. This state of things did not, it is true, prove of any long duration; but we here find a sort of epoch in the Saxon war, to which it seemed as well to conduct the reader, without pausing to notice in their chronological order, a number of domestic events, of more or less importance, which, during these years of active warfare, occurred in the life of Charlemagne

Two of these events are worthy of particular notice, from the influence they may be supposed to have had upon his after life. Soon after the death of Hildegarde his queen, Bertha, the mother of the French monarch, also took her destined place in the inevitable tomb.

THE THURINGIAN CONSPIRACY

Kings are surrounded by so many temptations to forgetfulness, that their griefs are generally of short duration. But Bertha was regretted long and deeply, by Charlemagne; and, if virtue, rectitude, talents, and active benevolence, be qualities which should attach, Bertha was well deserving of the tears which her son bestowed upon her loss. His sorrow, also, was justified, by a long retrospect of affection; for we learn, that the harmony existing between Charlemagne and his mother, was never known to be interrupted, except on the one occasion of the divorce of Desideria. That cloud itself had soon passed away; the evil consequences which she had anticipated, were averted by his extraordinary powers; and Bertha lived to see her son the greatest monarch of his age and race.

The sovereign of the Francs was, by natural temperament, soon led to supply the place which the death of Hildegarde had left vacant; and in the choice of another wife, he fixed upon Fastrada, the daughter of Rodolph, a Frankish noble of high repute. We are led to conclude, that the personal beauty of the new Queen, was not accompanied by great powers of mind, or by fine qualities of the heart; and her conduct soon produced consequences the most painful that could affect a monarch from the actions of his wife. These were murmurs amongst the people, and ultimately the revolt of a part of his subjects.

All accounts represent Fastrada as oppressive and merciless; but what was the precise nature of the cruelty she is accused of exercising, and how a monarch of such firmness of mind as Charlemagne, could intrust a dangerous portion of authority to the hands of a woman, are points on which history is silent, and in regard to which, all inferences must be derived from collateral evidence..

It appears, however, that towards the end of the year 785, one of the Eastern Francs of noble birth, called Hartrad, conceived the design of exciting the part of the country in which he lived, to insurrection; and determined by stratagem to get possession of the person of the King, and murder him, or to throw off the yoke of France, and declare his province independent.

Either from discontent at the conduct of the Queen, general ambition, or that love of change so universal in the minds of the weak, a number of other Counts joined in the conspiracy, which soon began to assume a formidable aspect. For some time Charlemagne had known that treasonable efforts were in meditation against his government; but the information he had received was either so vague, or the schemes of the conspirators so immature, that he suffered them to proceed till the commencement of the ensuing year, keeping nevertheless a strict watch upon their movements. At length, the chief of the discontented nobles, Count Hartrad—on the coming of a royal messenger, charged to demand that his daughter, who had been long betrothed to one of the Western Francs, should be given to her husband—took occasion to throw off the authority of the King, and to call together the abettors of his treason.

His summons was instantly obeyed; but when the conspirators appeared in arms, it was found that, as usual on such occasions, they had sadly miscalculated their strength; and that their forces were still so scanty, as to render perseverance in their design, utter madness. The consequence of this conviction was their immediate dispersion in order to seek places of concealment. But they had now too openly proclaimed their treason for justice to remain inactive any longer. A considerable number were arrested in the different spots where they had taken refuge, and were afterwards tried at Worms before an extraordinary court, to which a number of the bishops had been summoned. On the present occasion this commixture of Christian prelates with the lay judges of the land, did not seem to temper greatly the severity of the punishment awarded. None of the conspirators, it is true, were put to death; but such as were proved most guilty, were condemned to that fearful infliction, the loss of sight, a sentence then common. Others were degraded from their rank, and the whole were doomed to permanent or temporary exile.

REVOLT OF BRITANNY

Another war, within the actual limits of France, demanded the attention of Charlemagne, immediately after the revolt of Hartrad; and it may bfe necessary, for a moment, to look to the state of Britanny, in which it took place, in order clearly to understand its cause and object. On the first invasion of Gaul by the Franks, no resistance of so determined a nature was offered to their progress, by any of the various tribes or nations who adhered to the Roman government of that province, as by the Armoricans,—a people inhabiting one of the western districts of France, but the extent of whose territory at that time, it would be difficult to define. The struggle was kept up between them and the barbarians, long after it had been yielded by the rest of the inhabitants of Gaul; and their courage and vigor, though obtaining no support from the country in whose defence they fought, at least served to win the admiration and respect of their adversaries. At length, abandoned by Rome, and assailed on all sides by enemies, the Armoricans chose rather to enter into a general league with the Francs, than still contend for a falling state, which had already cast them off.

What were the precise terms of this league, and how far the Armoricans were absolutely amalgamated with the Francs, cannot be discussed in this place, but it is more than probable, that long before the accession of Charlemagne, a complete assimilation of the two nations had taken place.

However that may be, in a part of the territories formerly inhabited by the Armoricans, a, new people had established themselves, some time previous to the period of which I speak. These fresh settlers consisted of fugitives from England, where the invading Saxons had compelled each native Briton to choose between domestic servitude, eternal strife, and foreign exile. Those who preferred the latter, soon colonized a large part of the sea coast of France, extended their territories, consolidated their power; and having, both by their own strength and the dissensions of the Merovingian monarchy, extorted the privilege of governing themselves, they maintained their own laws and language, and existed a separate people within the French dominions. A tribute alone marked their dependence; but even this they often neglected or refused; and though Charlemagne had taken precautions to prevent their encroachments on the neighboring country, they yet judged so ill of his authority, that they chose his reign as the time for making a great effort to assert their immunity from their customary mark of vassalage.

Although Charlemagne, conscious of his own power, viewed their efforts to shake off his sway with contempt, yet it was contempt in no degree mingled with that blind arrogance, which neglects the means of safety, in the confidence of strength. The revolt of Britanny, however, was not a matter of sufficient importance to call for the personal presence of the monarch; and, while he himself devoted his attention to the internal regulations of the state, and the punishment of the Thuringian conspirators, he directed Audulphus, his seneschal, to lead an army into the refractory province, and reduce it to subjection. This was easily and rapidly accomplished. The Bretons were in no state to maintain the independence which they claimed; and, after the capture of all their fortresses by the Francs, they threw themselves on the clemency of the monarch, which was never appealed to in vain. Audulphus returned in triumph to the court, bearing with him the trophies of his victorious expedition. The Bretons gave hostages for their future obedience; and several of their nobles even presented themselves at the diet which was then sitting at Worms.