THIRD MILLENNIUM LIBRARY
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THIRD MILLENNIUM LIBRARY |
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robert bellarmine
returns, and revises the vulgate.
A travel of six
or seven weeks brought Caetano, his Prelates, his Jesuit, and their servants to
the gates of Rome. The cavalcade entered with no small bravery. The Prince of
the Church hurried with palpitating heart towards the Vatican, there to sit in
Conclave, to create or be created Pope. Sixtus, indeed, had been replaced by
another. Urban VII; but Urban saw no more than twelve suns rise upon him, and was
now departed, leaving the Sacred College to strive once more for a vacated
throne.
Father Robert
found himself at home in the College of Jesus, where loving brethren, “after
the manner of the Society”, covered him with embraces, in signal of liveliest affection.
Now, there was
more work for him to do. Notwithstanding his inclusion with authors prohibited,
Sixtus being gone, he was thought eligible for the most confidential service; and
the new Pontiff, Gregory XIV, soon found him employment. The Council of Trent
had not been satisfied with the editions of the Vulgate.
In pursuance of
their decision, the Popes had directed it to be revised. Sixtus V gave his
authoritative sanction to the last revision, which was to be received
universally as perfect. But it was pronounced very imperfect; and Gregory
commanded a select Congregation to meet in his presence, and determine how such
an edition might be prepared as would meet the expectation of the Church.
Bellarraine was one of that Congregation. After various opinions had been
given, he proposed that it should be confided to a few learned men to expurgate
the edition of Sixtus from beginning to end, “collating it with old editions,
and with manuscript copies, as well of the Greeks as of the Latins, and with commentaries
of the Fathers; by which means the emendation of Sixtus V might have been made
such as he would have had it, and might have been brought to such a state of
perfection as becomes the heavenly work”. To this proposal the Congregation
acceded; and it was appointed that Cardinal William Allen, Master of the Sacred
Palace, Cardinal Mare-Antonio Colonna, Robert Bellarmine, and four others,
should meet in the palace of Colonna, and there prosecute the revision. On
Bellarmine, it is said, fell the chief part of the labor, and final arrangement
of all their contributions. He also wrote the Preface. And on reading this
Preface, I find more ingenuity than truth in the statement that, the defectiveness
of the Sixtine Vulgate was to be attributed to the printer while the fault lay—so far as that edition was really faulty—with the editors
themselves, under the responsible sanction of the Pope. Those who have gone
over the same ground, critically examining the patristic workmanship of Bellarmine,
can best estimate its quality. After the revised, and more deeply Romanized,
Vulgate came out in the pontificate of Clement VIII, Bellarmine asked his
General, Aquaviva, to allow him ten years for the production of a commentary.
Aquaviva, not disposed to encourage a multiplication of commentaries, refused
permission; and we have no reason to regret that he did refuse.
is made rector and provincial.
A service of so
great magnitude to the Church of Rome as the preparation of an ecclesiastical
Bible,—as the Vulgate really is,—deserved something more than the Society could
give. Promotion in the Society, however, might fitly precede elevation in the
Church. The General, after taking the suffrages of his assistants, made
Bellarmine Rector of the Roman College; and the new year, 1593, found him just
entered on the duties of the office. Already Aquaviva had made him Confessor
and Spiritual Father of the youth in that College; and there is reason to
believe that, as a mild and exact disciplinarian, he was well qualified to govern.
During a period of thirty-two years he had obeyed well, and could, therefore,
gracefully command, and reasonably exact obedience. According to the custom of
the College, he delivered a discourse, expository of the method of
administration he intended to pursue; and took for theme the following words
from the Book of Ecclesiasticus: “They have made thee Rector. Be not lifted up:
be among them like one of themselves—and do not interrupt the music”. Speaking
much of the humility he desired to exemplify, he encouraged the inmates of the
College, two hundred and five in number, to approach him with entire
confidence, and placed himself at their service.
And in order to
exemplify the virtue of humility, he descended to the humblest offices, and
addressed each fellow with as much formality of respect, as if their position
had been reversed, suffering none to be uncovered, or to stand waiting in his
presence. Returning once from Frascati to the College, just in time to cook the
dinner, it being his turn that day to perform
the duty of cook, he walked into the kitchen, and applied himself, as usual, to
the laborious operation. Every one admired the Rector, who could exercise such
exemplary selfdenial; although fatigue might well have served him as excuse
for ordering any one to serve that day in his stead. Nor was he less jealous
over the Society in regard to the virtue of poverty. A Father had some
superfluous articles of apparel in his room, which the Rector caused to be
removed to the common vestiary of the house; and the Father, although suffering
inconvenience by the loss, at the same time, of some necessary clothing,
professed that he would rather lose his clothes than his poverty. It behoved a
Jesuit to have nothing that he might call his own; and therefore the Rector
turned out of his own room every trifling ornament or superfluity, retained
only the most necessary articles, and changed even those for others of meaner
material or coarser fabric. And added to this assiduous display of poverty and
humility, was great facility of language, and blandness of manner, which served
to bring fairly into view a large store of knowledge, the fruit of long and
laborious application: “so that there was none who, returning from that
oracle, did not say: Did not our hearts burn within us, while he spoke with us
by the way?”
In the beginning
of the reign of Clement VIII, he was deputed as one of two representatives of
the Roman province to the General Congregation, holden in the year 1593.
By the common voice of this congregation, the General sent him to take
the government of the province of Naples. His diligence in visitation, and the manner of his government, won
general applause; and, after spending twenty-five months in that office, he
received a summons from the Pope to hasten to Rome.
is made theologian of the pope.
On the death of
the Cardinal of Toledo, the Pope’s theologian, Clement VIII resolved to supply
the vacancy by appointing Bellarmine. He had read with peculiar satisfaction
one of his treatises, (De Translatione Imperii,) and
had shown deference to his opinion by desisting from a purpose of introducing
the Platonic philosophy into the school of the Sapienza in Rome. Bellarmine
objected that the nearer resemblance of Plato to the inspired writers, rendered
him so much the less eligible; and argued, that as a Heathen is less
mischievous than a heretic, so is Aristotle less mischievous than Plato. The
Cardinals Baronio and Aldobrandini also used their influence in his favor.
Now constituted oracle of him whose bare word is itself an oracle, it became necessary that he should dwell beside the chair of infallibility; and apartments in the Vatican awaited his occupation. But it was the uniform custom of the Jesuits in those days to profess abhorrence of honors and elegancies, when set before them; and where everyone acted alike in such cases, it is impossible to conjecture how much of humility was to be attributed to an imperious custom, or how much to the man. Bellarmine implored permission to withdraw from the Vatican, and live in the Jesuit House, which was quite near enough for his presence to be had at any moment; and thither he went to elaborate theology for the service of the Holy See.
And Clement was
carrying this theology into practical application. Alfonso d'Este, Duke of
Ferrara, had lately died, leaving the dukedom by testament to Cesare d'Este, in
default of hereditary succession. Don Cesare took possession, the subjects
most willingly rendered him their oaths of allegiance, and other princes
received, as matter of course, the usual intelligence of his accession to the
ducal chair. Not so the Pope. He said that the Duke deceased, as his vassal,
had no right to dispose of the state, which reverted to the Roman See by the
extinction of the line. The Emperor interposed a remonstrance, and so did the
Venetians, but in vain. Cesare set about self-defense, raising a little army,
and fortifying the city; not hoping for power to resist, but venturing to hope
that other states would see it their interest to espouse his cause. Rome rose
in wrath. Money was levied, artillery collected, and 25,000 soldiers added to
the forces of the Vicar of Christ! Aldobrandini appeared as General of the
recruits, which were to be doubled, if necessary. A fortnight was given to Cesare
to consider, whether he would fight or yield. If contumacious, a sentence of
excommunication hung over his head: and the same curse threatened Emperors,
Kings, Republics, Princes,—all or any who might abet his rebellion against the
Apostolic See. The Pope appeared, full robed, in the court of St. Peter’s, had
the sentence read, flung a lighted taper on the ground, to signify the plunging
of the soul of Cesare into eternal darkness; and the Cardinals threw down
smaller tapers, to concur in the damnation of the rebel. The bells rang an
alarum; the drums rolled; the hoarse trumpets poured forth defiance; the cannon
of St. Angelo confirmed the anathema. A proclamation on the gates of St. Peter’s,
and of the Lateran, and in other accustomed places, declared Cesare to be
smitten with spiritual death, and to have incurred temporal death in
consequence. The Lord of Ferrara bowed to the outrageous wrong, and ceded
Ferrara and the Ferrarese to the Chief Priest of Rome; but was allowed to
subsist on his allodial estates, with the title of Duke of Modena and Reggio.
The Pope decreed that the territory thus usurped should never be granted to any
one in feudatory title; and hastily set out to take possession, accompanied by
most of the Court. Bellarmine, necessarily, went with him; and it was observed
that while at Ferrara, although his great simplicity compelled him to lodge
with the Jesuits, he was constantly in presence of the Pope, was treated with
unusual distinction, and was marked as a Cardinal in petto. Alarmed,
of course, at the prospect of a red hat, he entreated his General to endeavor
to avert so dreadful a calamity. Aquaviva mentioned this repugnance; but
Clement understood the formalities, and just answered that Bellarmine, being a
Jesuit, could not have such a dignity. But the courtiers, familiar with their
own dialect, interpreted the Papal word as the vulgar were wont to interpret
dreams, just to mean the contrary. And this, be it noted, is frequently the
best interpretation of a pontifical sentence. The pen of Bellarmine earned its
reward.
is made inquisitor, &c.
But to return. A
month had not elapsed after the arrival of Bellarmine at Rome from Naples, when
the Pope added him to the Congregation of the Sacred Roman Inquisition. Never
was honor conferred more worthily. The theologian had reduced the doctrine of
the Inquisition to summary, for the instruction of the rising priesthood. After
citing the examples of Moses, Elijah, Joshua, Jehu, and Nebuchadnezzar in
justification of the salutary practice of putting heretics to death, he
gathered the following palmary arguments from the New Testament. I translate
them closely:
“In the New Testament
we have Matt. VIII, to begin with, where we learn that the Church may reject
those who refuse to obey, regard them as Heathen and publicans, and then hand them over to the secular power, as no
longer children of the Church. Then we have Rom. XIII, teaching that the
secular power may punish wicked men with the sword. ‘For’, it says, ‘he beareth
not the sword in vain: for he is the minister of God, a revenger to execute
wrath upon him that doeth evil’, from which two places it is evidently
collected, that it is lawful to cut off heretics from the Church, who are
rebels against the Church, and disturbers of the public peace, and deliver them
to be punished with death by the secular judge.
“Christ also,
and His Apostles, compared heretics to things which are, without controversy,
to be repelled by fire and sword; for the Lord says, in Matt. VII, ‘Beware of
false prophets, which come to you in sheep’s clothing, but inwardly they are
ravening wolves’. And in these words in Acts XX, ‘I know this, that after my
departing shall grievous wolves enter in among you’; heretics must certainly be
understood, under the name of wolves, as St. Ambrose beautifully explains it
in his commentary on the beginning of Luke X. But grievous wolves are most
lawfully put to death, if they cannot be otherwise got rid of; for the life of
the sheep demands far higher consideration than the death of the wolves. Also
John X ‘He that entereth not by the door into the sheepfold, but climbeth up
some other way, the same is a thief and a robber’. Where, under the name of ‘thief
and robber’ heretics are to be understood, and all seducers, and inventors of
sects, as Chrysostom and Augustine explain it: and every one knows how thieves
and robbers are punished. And in 2 Tim. II, heresy is compared to a cancer,
which is not cured by medicaments, but must be cut out with a knife, or it will
perpetually spread, and corrupt the whole body. Then in John II, Christ drove
the traders out of the Temple with the scourge. In Acts V, Peter killed Ananias
and Sapphira because they had lied against the Holy Spirit: and Paul, Acts XIII,
smote a false prophet with blindness, because he was endeavoring to turn away
the Proconsul from the faith”.
Then comes a
long train of witnesses, from Constantine, and the “most religious Emperors”,
Theodosius, Valentinian, and others, down through a succession of saints,
ending with St. Bernard. And, lastly, Bellarmine himself speaks.
“Finally. It is
proved by natural reason. First: Heretics may be justly excommunicated, as all
allow; therefore they may be killed. The consequence is proved, because
excommunication is a greater punishment than temporal death. Augustine says,
that it is more horrible to be delivered to Satan by excommunication, than to
be smitten with the sword, consumed in flames, or thrown to wild beasts to be
devoured.
“Secondly:
Experience teaches that there is no other remedy. For the Church has proceeded
gently, and tried all remedies. First, she only excommunicated; then she added
pecuniary fines; then exile. At last she was compelled to come to death; for
heretics despise excommunication, and say that it is but a cold thunderbolt.
If you threaten them with pecuniary fines, they neither fear God nor regard men;
but say that there will be no lack of simpletons to believe them, from whom
they will get maintenance. If you shut them up in prison, or send them into
exile, they will corrupt with their discourses all that come near them, and
them that are afar with books. Therefore the only remedy is, to send them in
good time to their own place.
“Thirdly:
Falsifiers, in the judgment of all, deserve to die. Heretics are falsifiers of
the word of God.
“Fourthly: In
the estimation of Augustine, Ep. 50, it is worse for a man to be unfaithful to
God, than for a woman to be unfaithful to her husband. If this is to be punished
with death, why not that?
“Fifthly: There
are three causes for which reason teaches that men should be killed; which
causes Galen beautifully lays down in his book, Quod mores animi corporis temperamentum sequantur, towards the end.
“The
first cause is, that bad men may not hurt good ones, and that mischievous persons
may not oppress the innocent. And hence, most justly, as all agree, murderers,
adulterers, and thieves are put to death. The second is, that by the punishment
of a few, many may be corrected; and they that would not benefit the
commonwealth by living, should benefit it by dying. And hence we also see that
most justly, by common agreement, some horrid crimes are punished with death,
although they have not hurt any one in reality, as necromancy; and certain
unutterable offences, and offences against nature, which are so much the more
gravely punished, that others may understand them to be extremely wicked, and
not dare to perpetrate the like. The third is, because, even to the very men
who are killed, it is often useful to be killed; that is to say, when they are
growing worse, and there is no likelihood that they will ever come to a sound
mind”. And so on.
No one could
doubt the eligibility of such a pleader for the Inquisition to be himself an
Inquisitor. His demeanour, too, when Consultor, and the disposition he had
manifested in regard to the suffering Nestorians in India, and their kidnapped
Bishops, had given entire satisfaction to the benevolent Patriarch who, for
their own good, (!) extinguished the spark of life in many Syrian opponents of
the Society of Jesus. And, to add emphasis to the irony, Bellarmine,
illustrious advocate of capital punishment for heresy, was employed to give
judgment on the petitions for mercy that might come up to the Pope from
persons not yet incarcerated, on behalf of relatives or friends languishing in
the dungeons. “Before a rescript of grace could be given, his judgment was
expected”. And where there was no petition, nor even any accusation of heresy,
his lynx-eye descried it. Thus he detected Nestorianism in the profession of
faith sent to Paul V by the Patriarch of Babylon. Under his patronage, the
terrible folio of Farinacci, succeeding to that of Eymeric as the Inquisitorial
Manual, came to light. Nay, he revised, enlarged, and recommended it. Yet this
Inquisitor could be marvelously tender to some persons. One day, for example,
when on his way to the Holy Office, a heavy shower of rain came on. He stopped
the carriage, requested some Prelates that were with him to sit close, that
his Familiars might get in; and when an attendant reminded him that that was
not the usage, he devoutly answered that the Familiars were his brothers in
Christ, and if one of them were to fall sick from a wetting, he should have to
render an account to God. But he would not condescend to count Galileo among
his brethren in Christ. He made the astronomer choose between prison and
recantation; and it was at his feet that Galileo knelt to renounce the heresy
of the revolution of the earth.
While thus
engaged,—I cannot find how many rescripts of grace he procured,—Cardinal
Taruggi, an intimate friend of Baronius, requested him to write a Catechism
for little children, accompanied by a more copious explication for the use of
their teachers. It was wise to employ the most effective writer then to be
found for this important service; and, in fact, the best writers only have been
able, in any Church, to provide this kind of literature.
Bellarmine consented, and produced the “Christian Doctrine”, which may almost
be regarded as the basis of Romish popular Catechisms throughout the world.
Xavier and others had written similar manuals; but the “Doctrina Christiana” of
Bellarmine went far to supersede them all.
Inquisitor,
Theologian, and Catechist, our hero discharged also another kindred function, being
made Examiner of Candidates for the dignity of Bishop. No man, presenting
himself before so awful a personage, could presume to waver one hair’s breadth
from the exact line of Roman orthodoxy.
Nor must I
forget to note that he was also appointed Regent of the Penitentiary of St.
Peter; that court wherein absolution is dispensed to those who can only hope
for pardon through the mercy of the Pope himself. No Priest, no bishop, can
release them from the thraldom of certain sins. They must apply at Rome; and in
Rome there is an office where such applications are examined, and when it is
found that the transaction is in order, and when the necessary fees are paid,
the Regent, or chief clerk, writes in the margin one or other of the forms
appointed; thus it passes to the Pope, and the Pope concludes the matter.
is created cardinal.
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