GENOA. STORY OF THE INSURRECTION OF FIESCO
Such,
indeed, was the posture of the emperor’s affairs, that he could not march
instantly to the relief of is ally. Soon after the separation of the
confederate army, he, in order to ease himself of the burden of maintaining a
superfluous number of troops, had dismissed the count of Buren with his
Flemings, imagining that the Spaniards and Germans, together with the papal
forces, would be fully sufficient to crush any degree of vigor that yet
remained among the members of the league. But Paul, growing wise too late,
began now to discern the imprudence of that measure from which the more
sagacious Venetians had endeavored in vain to dissuade him. The rapid progress
of the Imperial arms, and the ease with which they had broken a combination
that appeared no less firm than powerful, opened his eyes at length, and made
him not only forget at once all the advantages which he had expected from such
a complete triumph over heresy, but placed, in the strongest light, his own
impolitic conduct, in having contributed towards acquiring for Charles such an
immense increase of power, as would enable him, after oppressing the liberties
of Germany, to give law with absolute authority to all the states of Italy.
The
moment that he perceived his error, he endeavored to correct it. Without
giving the emperor any warning of his intention, he ordered Farnese, his
grandson, to return instantly to Italy with all the troops under his command,
and at the same time recalled the license which he had granted Charles, of
appropriating to his own use a large share of the church lands in Spain. He was
not destitute of pretences to justify this abrupt desertion of his ally. The
term of six months, during which the stipulations in their treaty were to continue
in force, was now expired; the league, in opposition to which their alliance
had been framed, seemed to be entirely dissipated; Charles, in all his
negotiations with the princes and cities which had submitted to his will, had
neither consulted the pope, nor had allotted him any part of the conquests
which he had made, nor had allowed him any share in the vast contributions
which he had raised. He had not even made any provision for the suppression of
heresy, or the re-establishment of the catholic religion, which were Paul's
chief inducements to bestow the treasures of the church so liberally in carrying
on the war. These colors, however specious, did not conceal from the emperor
that secret jealousy which was the true motive of the pope's conduct. But as
Paul's orders with regard to the march of his troops were no less peremptory
than unexpected, it was impossible to prevent their retreat. Charles exclaimed
loudly against his treachery, in abandoning him so unseasonably, while he was
prosecuting a war undertaken in obedience to the papal injunctions, and from
which, if successful, so much honor and advantage would redound to the church.
To complaints he added threats and expostulations. But Paul remained inflexible;
his troops continued their march towards the ecclesiastical state, and in an
elaborate memorial, intended as an apology for his conduct, he discovered new
and more manifest symptoms of alienation from the emperor, together with a deep
rooted dread of his power. Charles, weakened by the withdrawing of so great a
body from his army, which was already much diminished by the number of garrisons
that he had been obliged to throw into the towns which had capitulated, found
it necessary to recruit his forces by new levies, before he could venture to
march in person towards Saxony.
The
fame and splendor of his success could not have failed of attracting such
multitudes of soldiers into his service from all the extensive territories now
subject to his authority, as must soon have put him in a condition of taking
the field against the elector; but the sudden and violent eruption of a
conspiracy at Genoa, as well as the great revolutions which that event,
extremely mysterious in its first appearances, seemed to portend, obliged him
to avoid entangling himself in new operations in Germany, until he had fully
discovered its source and tendency.
The form of government which had been
established in Genoa, at the time when Andrew Doria restored liberty to his
country, though calculated to obliterate the memory of former dissensions, and
received at first with eager approbation, did not after a trial of near twenty
years, give universal satisfaction to those turbulent and factious
republicans. As the entire administration of affairs was now lodged in a
certain number of noble families, many, envying them that pre-eminence, wished
for the restitution of a popular government, to which they had been accustomed;
and though all reverenced the disinterested virtue of Doria, and admired his
talents, not a few were jealous of that ascendant which he had acquired in the
councils of the commonwealth. His age, however, his moderation, and his love of
liberty, afforded ample security to his countrymen that he would not abuse his
power, nor stain the close of his days by attempting to overturn that fabric,
which it had been the labor and pride of his life to erect. But the authority
and influence which in his hands were innocent, they easily saw would prove
destructive, if usurped by any citizen of greater ambition, or less virtue.
A
citizen of this dangerous character had actually formed such pretensions, and
with some prospect of success. Giannetino Doria, whom
his grand uncle Andrew destined to be the heir of his private fortune, aimed
likewise at being his successor in power. His temper, haughty, insolent, and
overbearing to such a degree as would hardly have been tolerated in one born
to reign, was altogether unsupportable in the citizen of a free state. The more
sagacious among the Genoese already feared and hated him as the enemy of those
liberties for which they were indebted to his uncle. While Andrew himself,
blinded by that violent and undiscerning affection which persons in advanced
age often contract for the younger members of their family, set no bounds to
the indulgence with which he treated him; seeming less solicitous to secure and
perpetuate the freedom of the commonwealth, than to aggrandize that undeserving
kinsman.
But
whatever suspicion of Doria’s designs, or whatever
dissatisfaction with the system of administration in the commonwealth, these
circumstances might have occasioned, they would have ended, it is probable, in
nothing more than murmurings and complaints, if John Lewis Fiesco count of Lavagna, observing this growing disgust, had not been
encouraged by it to attempt one of the boldest actions recorded in history.
That young nobleman, the richest and most illustrious subject in the republic,
possessed in an eminent degree all the qualities which win upon the human
heart, which command respect, or secure attachment. He was graceful and
majestic in his person; magnificent even to profusion; of a generosity that
anticipated the wishes of his friends, and exceeded the expectations of
strangers; of an insinuating address, gentle manners, and a flowing affability.
But under the appearance of these virtues, which seemed to form him for
enjoying and adorning social life, he concealed all the dispositions which mark
men out for taking the lead in the most dangerous and dark conspiracies; an insatiable
and restless ambition, a courage unacquainted with fear, and a mind that
disdained subordination. Such a temper could ill brook that station of
inferiority, wherein he was placed in the republic; and as he envied the power
which the elder Doria had acquired, he was filled with indignation at the
thoughts of its descending, like an hereditary possession, to Giannetino. These various passions, preying with violence
on his turbulent and aspiring mind, determined him to attempt overturning that
domination to which he could not submit.
As
the most effectual method of accomplishing this, he thought at first of forming
a connection with Francis, and even proposed it to tie French ambassador at
Rome; and after expelling Doria, together with the Imperial faction, by his
assistance, he offered to put the republic once more under the protection of
that monarch, hoping in return for that service to be entrusted with the
principal share in the administration of government. But having communicated
his scheme to a few chosen confidants, from whom he kept nothing secret, Verrina, the chief of them, a man of desperate fortune,
capable alike of advising and executing the most audacious deeds, remonstrated
with earnestness against the folly of exposing himself to the most imminent
danger, while he allowed another to reap all the fruits of his success; and
exhorted him warmly to aim himself at that preeminence in his country, to
which he was destined by his illustrious birth, was called by the voice of his
fellow-citizens, and would be raised by the zeal of his friends. This discourse
opened such great prospects to Fiesco, and so suitable to his genius, that
abandoning his own plan, he eagerly adopted that of Verrina.
The other persons present, though sensible of the hazardous nature of the
undertaking, did not choose to condemn what their patron had so warmly
approved. It was instantly resolved, in this dark cabal, to assassinate the two Dorias, as well as the principal persons of their
party, to overturn the established system of government, and to place Fiesco on
the ducal throne of Genoa. Time, however, and preparations were requisite to
ripen such a design for execution; and while he was employed in carrying on
these, Fiesco made it his chief care to guard against everything that might
betray his secret, or create suspicion. The disguise he assumed, was of all
others the most impenetrable.
He seemed to be abandoned entirely to pleasure
and dissipation. A perpetual gayety, diversified by the pursuit of all the
amusements in which persons of his age and rank are apt to delight, engrossed,
in appearance, the whole of his time and thoughts. But amidst this hurry of
dissipation, he prosecuted his plan with the most cool attention, neither
retarding the design by a timid hesitation, nor precipitating the execution by
an excess of impatience. He continued his correspondence with the French
ambassador at Rome, though without communicating to him his real intentions,
that by his means he might secure the protection of the French arms, if
hereafter he should find it necessary to call them in to his aid. He entered
into a close confederacy with Farnese duke of Parma, who, being disgusted with
the emperor for refusing to grant him the investiture of that duchy, was eager
to promote any measure that tended to diminish his influence in Italy, or to ruin
a family so implicitly devoted to him as that of Doria. Being sensible that, in
a maritime state, the acquisition of naval power was what he ought chiefly to
aim at, he purchased four galleys from the pope, who probably was not
unacquainted with the design which he had formed, and did not disapprove of it.
Under color of fitting up one of these galleys to sail on a cruise against the
Turks, he not only assembled a good number of his own vassals, but engaged in
his service many bold adventurers, whom the truce between the emperor and
Solyman had deprived of their usual occupation and subsistence.
While
Fiesco was taking these important steps, he preserved so admirably his usual
appearance of being devoted entirely to pleasure and amusement, and paid court
with such artful address to the two Dorias, as
imposed not only on the generous and unsuspicious mind of Andrew, but deceived Giannetino, who, conscious of his own criminal intentions,
was more apt to distrust the designs of others. So many instruments being now
prepared, nothing now remained but to strike the blow. Various consultations
were held by Fiesco with his confidants, in order to settle the manner of doing
it with the greatest certainty and effect. At first, they proposed to murder
the Dorias and their chief adherents, during the celebration
of high mass in the principal church; but, as Andrew was often absent from
religious solemnities on account of his great age, that design was laid aside.
It was then concerted that Fiesco should invite the uncle and nephew, with all
their friends whom he had marked out as victims, to his house; where it would be
easy to cut them off at once without danger or resistance; but as Giannetino was obliged to leave the town on the day which
they had chosen, it became necessary likewise to alter this plan. They at last
determined to attempt by open force, what they found difficult to effect by stratagem,
and fixed on the night between the second and third of January, for the
execution of their enterprise. The time was chosen with great propriety; for as
the doge of the former year was to quit his office, according to custom, on the
first of the month, and his successor could not be elected sooner than the
fourth, the republic remained during that interval in a sort of anarchy, and
Fiesco might with less violence take possession of the vacant dignity.
The
morning of that day Fiesco employed in visiting his friends, passing some hours
among them with a spirit as gay and unembarrassed as at other times. Towards
evening, he paid court to the Dorias with his usual
marks of respect, and surveying their countenance and behavior with the
attention natural in his situation, was happy to observe the perfect security
in which they remained, without the least foresight or dread of that storm
which had been so long a gathering, and was now ready to burst over their
heads. From their palace he hastened to his own, which stood by itself in the
middle of a large court, surrounded by a high wall. The gates had been set open
in the morning, and all persons, without distinction, were allowed to enter, but
strong guards posted within the court suffered no one to return. Verrina, meanwhile, and a few persons trusted with the
secret of the conspiracy, after conducting Fiesco’s vassals, as well as the crews of his galleys, into the palace in small bodies,
with as little noise as possible, dispersed themselves through the city, and,
in the name of their patron, invited to an entertainment the principal citizens
whom they knew to be disgusted with the administration of the Dorias, and to have inclination as well as courage to
attempt a change in the government. Of the vast number of persons who now
filled the palace, a few only knew for what purpose they were assembled; the
rest, astonished at finding, instead of the preparations for a feast, a court
crowded with armed men, and apartments filled with the instruments of war,
gazed on each other with a mixture of curiosity, impatience, and terror.
While
their minds were in this state of suspense and agitation, Fiesco appeared. With
a look full of alacrity and confidence, he addressed himself to the persons of
chief distinction, telling them, that they were not now called to partake of
the pleasure of an entertainment, but to join in a deed of valor, which would
lead them to liberty and immortal renown. He set before their eyes the
exorbitant as well as intolerable authority of the elder Doria, which the
ambition of Giannetino, and the partiality of the
emperor to a family more devoted to him than to their country, was about to
enlarge and to render perpetual. “This unrighteous dominion”, continued he, “You
have it now in your power to subvert, and to establish the freedom of your
country on a firm basis. The tyrants must be cut off. I have taken the most
effectual measures for this purpose. My associates are numerous. I can depend
on allies and protectors if necessary. Happily, the tyrants are as secure as I
have been provident. Their insolent contempt of their countrymen has banished
the suspicion and timidity which usually render the guilty quick-sighted to
discern, as well as sagacious to guard against the vengeance which they
deserve. They will now feel the blow, before they suspect any hostile hand to
be nigh. Let us then sally forth, that we may deliver our country by one
generous effort, almost unaccompanied with danger, and certain of success”. These words, uttered with that irresistible
fervor which animates the mind when roused by great objects, made the desired
impression on the audience. Fiesco’s vassals, ready
to execute whatever their master should command, received his discourse with a
murmur of applause. To many, whose fortunes were desperate, the license and
confusion of an insurrection afforded an agreeable prospect. Those of higher
rank and more virtuous sentiments, durst not discover the surprise or horror
with which they were struck at the proposal of an enterprise no less unexpected
than atrocious; as each of them imagined the other to be in the secret of the
conspiracy, and saw himself surrounded by persons who waited only a signal from
their leader to perpetrate the greatest crime. With one voice then all
applauded, or feigned to applaud, the undertaking.
Fiesco
having thus fixed and encouraged his associates, before he gave them his last
orders, he hastened for a moment to the apartment of his wife, a lady of the noble
house of Cibo, whom he loved with tender affection, and whose beauty and virtue
rendered her worthy of his love. The noise of the armed men who crowded the
court and palace, having long before this reached her ears, she concluded some
hazardous enterprise to be in hand, and she trembled fur her husband. He found
her in all the anguish of uncertainty and fear; and, as it was now impossible
to keep his design concealed, he informed her of what he had undertaken. The
prospect of a scene so full of horror as well as danger, completed her agony;
and foreboding immediately in her mind the fatal issue of it, she endeavored,
by her tears, her entreaties, and her despair, to divert him from his purpose.
Fiesco, after trying in vain to soothe and to inspire her with hope, broke from
a situation into which an excess of tenderness had unwarily seduced him, though
it could not shake his resolution. “Farewell”, he cried, as he quitted the
apartment, “you shall either never see me more, or you shall behold tomorrow
everything in Genoa subject to your power”.
As
soon as he rejoined his companions, he allotted each his proper station: some
were appointed to assault and seize the different gates of the city; some to
make themselves masters of the principal streets or places of strength. Fiesco
reserved for himself the attack of the harbor, where Doria’s galleys were laid up, as the post of chief importance, and of greatest danger.
It was now midnight, and the citizens slept in the security of peace, when
this band of conspirators, numerous, desperate, and well-armed, rushed out to
execute their plan. They surprised some of the gates, without meeting with any
resistance. They got possession of others after a sharp conflict with the
soldiers on guard. Verrina, with the galley which had
been fitted out against the Turks, blocked up the mouth of the Darsena or little harbor where Doria’s fleet lay. All possibility of escape being cut off by this precaution, when
Fiesco attempted to enter the galleys from the shore, to which they were made
fast, they were in no condition to make resistance, as they were not only
unrigged and disarmed, but had no crew on board, except the slaves chained to
the oar. Every quarter of the city was now filled with noise and tumult, all
the streets resounding with the cry of Fiesco and Liberty. At that name, so
popular and beloved, many of the lower rank took arms and joined the
conspirators. The nobles and partisans of the aristocracy, astonished or
affrighted, shut the gates of their houses, and thought of nothing but of
securing them from pillage. At last the noise excited by this scene or violence
and confusion, reached the palace of Doria; Giannetino started immediately from his bed, and, imagining that it was occasioned by some
mutiny among the sailors, rushed out with a few attendants, and hurried towards
the harbor. The gate of St. Thomas, through which he had to pass, was already
in the possession of the who, the moment he appeared, fell upon him with the
utmost fury, and murdered him on the spot. The same must have been the fate of
the elder Doria, if Jerome de Fiesco had executed his brother’s plan, and had
proceeded immediately to attack him in his palace ; but he, from the sordid
consideration of preventing its being plundered amidst the confusion, having
forbid his followers to advance, Andrew got intelligence of his nephew’s death,
as well as of his own danger; and, mounting on horseback, saved himself by
flight. Amidst this general consternation, a few senators had the courage to
assemble in the palace of the republic. At first, some of the most daring,
among them attempted to rally the scattered soldiers, and to attack a body of
the conspirators; but being repulsed with loss, all agreed that nothing now
remained but to treat with the party which seemed to be irresistible. Deputies
were accordingly sent to learn of Fiesco what were the concessions with which
he would be satisfied, or rather to submit to whatever terms he should please
to prescribe.
But
by this time Fiesco, with whom they were empowered to negotiate, was no more.
Just as he was about to leave the harbor, where everything had succeeded to his
wish, that he might join his victorious companions, he heard some extraordinary
uproar on board the admiral galley. Alarmed at the noise, and fearing that the
slaves might break their chains, and overpower his associates, he ran thither;
but the plank which reached from the shore to the vessel happening to overturn,
he fell into the sea, whilst he hurried forward too precipitately. Being loaded
with heavy armour, he sunk to the bottom, and perished in the very moment when
he must have taken full possession of everything that his ambitious heart could
desire. Verrina was the first who discovered this
fatal accident, and foreseeing, at once, all its consequences, concealed it
with the utmost industry from everyone but a few leaders of the conspiracy.
Nor was it difficult, amidst the darkness and confusion of the night, to have
kept it secret, until a treaty with the senators should have put the city in
the power of the conspirators. All their hopes of this were disconcerted by the
imprudence of Jerome Fiesco, who, when the deputies of the senate inquired for
his brother, the count of Lavagna, that they might
make their proposals to him, replied, with a childish vanity, “I am now the
only person to whom that title belongs, and with me you must treat”. These
words discovered as well to his friends as to his enemies what had happened,
and made the impression which might have been expected upon both. The deputies,
encouraged by this event, the only one which could occasion such a sudden
revolution as might turn to their advantage, assumed instantly, with admirable
presence of mind, a new tone, suitable to the change in their circumstances,
and made high demands. While they endeavored to gain time by protracting the
negotiation, the rest of the senators were busy in assembling their partisans,
and in forming a body capable of defending the palace of the republic. On the
other hand, the conspirators, astonished at the death of a man whom they adored
and trusted, and placing no confidence in Jerome, a giddy youth, felt their
courage die away, and their arms fall from their hands. That profound and
amazing secrecy with which the conspiracy had been concerted, and which had
contributed hitherto so much to its success, proved now the chief cause of its
miscarriage. The leader was gone; the greater part of those who acted under
him, knew not his confidants, and were strangers to the object at which he
aimed. There was no person among them whose authority or abilities entitled him
to assume Fiesco’s place, or to finish his plan;
after having lost the spirit which animated it, life and activity deserted the
whole body. Many of the conspirators withdrew to their houses, hoping that
amidst the darkness of the night they had passed unobserved, and might remain
unknown. Others sought for safety by a timely retreat; and, before break of
day, most of them fled with precipitation from a city, which but a few hours
before, was ready to acknowledge them as masters.
Next
morning everything was quiet in Genoa; not an enemy was to be seen; few marks
of the violence of the former night appeared, the conspirators having conducted
their enterprise with more noise than bloodshed, and gamed all their advantages
by surprise, rather than by force of arms. Towards evening, Andrew Doria
returned to the city, being met by all the inhabitants, who received him with
acclamations of joy. Though the disgrace as well as danger of the preceding
night were fresh in his mind, and the mangled body of his kinsman still before
his eyes, such was his moderation as well as magnanimity, that the decree
issued by the senate against the conspirators, did not exceed that just measure
of severity which was requisite for the support of government, and was dictated
neither by the violence of resentment, nor the rancor of revenge.
After
taking the necessary precautions for preventing the flame which was now so
happily extinguished, from breaking out anew, the first care of the senate was
to send an ambassador to the emperor, to give him a particular detail of what
had happened, and to beg his assistance towards the reduction of Montobbio, a strong fort on the hereditary estate of the Fiesci, in which Jerome had shut himself up. Charles was no
less alarmed than astonished at an event so strange and unexpected. He could
not believe that Fiesco, how bold or adventurous soever,
durst have attempted such an enterprise, but on foreign suggestion, and from
the hope of foreign aid. Being informed that the duke of Parma was well
acquainted with the plan of the conspirators, he immediately supposed that the
pope could not be ignorant of a measure, which his son had countenanced.
Proceeding from this to a farther conjecture, which Paul’s cautious maxims of
policy in other instances rendered extremely probable, he concluded that the
French king must have known and approved of the design; and he began to
apprehend that this spark might again kindle the flame of war which had raged
so long in Italy. As he had drained his Italian territories of troops on
account of the German war, he was altogether unprovided for resisting any hostile attack in that country; and on the first
appearance of danger, he must have detached thither the greatest part of his
forces for its defence. In this situation of affairs, it would have been
altogether imprudent in the emperor to have advanced in person against the
elector, until he should learn with some degree of certainty whether such a
scene were not about to open in Italy, as might put it out of his power to keep
the field with an army sufficient to oppose him.