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HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION
BOOK
VI.
THE DISASTER OF THE EXPEDITION AGAINST ALGIERS
Algiers
still continued in that state of dependence on the Turkish empire to which
Barbarossa had subjected it. Ever since he, as captain Basha, commanded the
Ottoman fleet, Algiers had been governed by Hascen-Aga, a renegado eunuch, who, by passing through every station in the
corsair’s service, had acquired such experience in war, that he was well fitted
for a station which required a man of tried and daring courage.
Hascen, in
order to show how well he deserved that dignity, carried on his piratical
depredations against the Christian states with amazing activity, and outdid,
if possible, Barbarossa himself in boldness and cruelty. The commerce of the
Mediterranean was greatly interrupted by his cruisers, and such frequent alarms
given to the coast of Spain, that there was a necessity of erecting
watch-towers at proper distances, and of keeping guards constantly on foot, in
order to descry the approach of his squadrons, and to protect the inhabitants
from their descents.
Of this the emperor had received repeated and clamorous
complaints from his subjects, who represented it as an enterprise
corresponding to his power, and becoming his humanity, to reduce Algiers,
which, since the conquest of Tunis, was the common receptacle of all the free-booters;
and to exterminate that lawless race, the implacable enemies of the Christian
name. Moved partly by their entreaties, and partly allured by the hope of
adding to the glory which he had acquired by his last expedition into Africa,
Charles, before he left Madrid in his way to the Low-Countries, had issued
orders both in Spain and Italy, to prepare a fleet and army for this purpose.
No change in circumstances, since that time, could divert him from this
resolution, or prevail on him to turn his arms towards Hungary; though the
success of the Turks in that country seemed more immediately to require his
presence there; though many of his most faithful adherents in Germany urged
that the defence of the empire ought to be his first and peculiar care; though
such as bore him no good-will ridiculed his preposterous conduct in flying
from an enemy almost at hand, that he might go in quest of a remote and more
ignoble foe. But to attack the sultan in Hungary, how splendid soever that
measure might appear, was an undertaking which exceeded his power, and was not consistent
with his interest. To draw troops out of Spain or Italy, to march them into a
country so distant as Hungary, to provide the vast apparatus necessary for
transporting thither the artillery, ammunition, and baggage of a regular army,
and to push the war in that quarter, where there was little prospect of
bringing it to an issue during several campaigns, were undertakings so
expensive and unwieldy as did not correspond with the low condition of the
emperor’s treasury. While his principal force was thus employed, his dominions
in Italy and the Low-Countries must have lain open to the French king, who would
not have allowed such a favorable opportunity of attacking them to go
unimproved. Whereas the African expedition, the preparations for which were
already finished, and almost the whole expense of it defrayed, would depend
upon a single effort; and besides the security and satisfaction which the
success of it must give his subjects, would detain him during so short a space,
that Francis could hardly take advantage of his absence, to invade his
dominions in Europe.
On
all these accounts, Charles adhered to his first plan, and with such determined
obstinacy, that he paid no regard to the pope, who advised, or to Andrew Doria,
who conjured him not to expose his whole armament to almost unavoidable
destruction, by venturing to approach the dangerous coast of Algiers at such an
advanced season of the year, and when the autumnal winds were so violent.
Having embarked on board Doria’s galleys at Porto Venere in the Genoese
territories, he soon found that this experienced sailor had not judged wrong
concerning the element with which he was so well acquainted; for such a storm
arose, that it was with the utmost difficulty and danger he reached Sardinia,
the place of general rendezvous. But as his courage was undaunted, and his
temper often inflexible, neither the renewed remonstrances of the pope and Doria,
nor the danger to which he had already been exposed by disregarding their
advice had any other effect than to confirm him in his fatal resolution. The
force, indeed, which he had collected, was such as might have inspired a prince
less adventurous, and less confident in his own schemes, with the most sanguine
hopes of success. It consisted of twenty thousand foot, and two thousand horse,
Spaniards, Italians, and Germans, mostly veterans, together with three thousand
volunteers, the flower of the Spanish and Italian nobility, fond of paying court
to the emperor by attending him in his favorite expedition, and eager to share
in the glory which they believed he was going to reap; to these were added a
thousand soldiers sent from Malta by the order of St. John, led by a hundred of
its most gallant knights.
The
voyage, from Majorca to the African coast, was not less tedious, or full of
hazard, than that which he had just finished. When he approached the land, the
roll of the sea, and vehemence of the winds, would not permit the troops to
disembark. But at last the emperor, seizing a favorable opportunity, landed
them without opposition, not far from Algiers, and immediately advanced towards
the town. To oppose this mighty army, Hascen had only eight hundred Turks, and
five thousand Moors, partly natives of Africa, and partly refugees from
Granada. He returned, however, a fierce and haughty answer, when summoned to
surrender. But with such a handful of soldiers, neither his desperate courage,
nor consummate skill in war, could have long resisted forces superior to those
which had defeated Barbarossa at the head of sixty thousand men, and which had
reduced Tunis, in spite of all his endeavors to save it.
But
how far soever the emperor might think himself beyond the reach of any danger
from the enemy, he was suddenly exposed to a more dreadful calamity, and one
against which human prudence, and human efforts availed nothing. On the second
day after his landing, and before he had time for anything but to disperse some
light armed Arabs who molested his troops on their march, the clouds began to
gather, and the heavens to appear with a fierce and threatening aspect. Towards
evening, rain began to fall, accompanied with violent wind; and the rage of the
tempest increasing, during the night, the soldiers, who had brought nothing
ashore but their arms, remained exposed to all its fury, without tents, or
shelter, or cover of any kind. The ground was soon so wet that they could not
lie down on it; their camp being in a low situation, was overflowed with water,
and they sunk at every step to the ankles in mud; while the wind blew with such
impetuosity, that, to prevent their falling, they were obliged to thrust their
spears into the ground, and to support themselves by taking hold of them.
Hascen was too vigilant an officer to allow an enemy in such distress to remain
unmolested. About the dawn of morning, he sallied out with soldiers, who
having been screened from the storm under their own roofs, were fresh and
vigorous. A body of Italians, who were stationed nearest the city, dispirited
and benumbed with cold, fled at the approach of the Turks. The troops at the
post behind them discovered greater courage; but as the rain had extinguished
their matches, and wetted their powder, their muskets were useless, and having
scarcely strength to handle their other arms, they were soon thrown into
confusion. Almost the whole army, with the emperor himself in person, was
obliged to advance, before the enemy could be repulsed, who, after spreading
such general consternation, and killing a considerable number of men, retired
at last in good order.
But
all feeling or remembrance of this loss and danger were quickly obliterated by
a more dreadful as well as affecting spectacle. It was now broad day; the
hurricane had abated nothing of its violence, and the sea appeared agitated
with all the rage of which that destructive element is capable; all the ships,
on which alone the whole army knew that their safety and subsistence depended,
were seen driven from their anchors, some dashing against each other some beat
to pieces on the rocks, many forced ashore, and not a few sinking in the waves.
In less than an hour, fifteen ships of war, and a hundred and forty transports
with eight thousand men perished; and such of the unhappy crews as escaped the
fury of the sea, were murdered without mercy by the Arabs, as soon as they
reached land. The emperor stood in silent anguish and astonishment beholding
this fatal event, which at once blasted all his hopes of success, and buried in
the depths the vast stores which he had provided, as well for annoying the
enemy, as for subsisting his own troops. He had it not in his power to afford
them any other assistance or relief than by sending some troops to drive away
the Arabs, and thus delivering a few who were so fortunate as to get ashore
from the cruel fate which their companions had met with. At last the wind began
to fall, and to give some hopes that as many ships might escape as would be
sufficient to save the army from perishing by famine, and transport them back
to Europe. But these were only hopes; the approach of evening covered the sea
with darkness; and it being impossible for the officers on board the ships
which had outlived the storm to send any intelligence to their companions who
were ashore, they remained during the night in all the anguish of suspense and
uncertainty. Next day, a boat despatched by Doria made shift to reach land,
with information, that having weathered out the storm, to which, during fifty
years knowledge of the sea, he had never seen any equal in fierceness and
horror, he had found it necessary to bear away with his shattered ships to Cape
Metafuz. He advised the emperor, as the face of the sky was still lowering and
tempestuous, to march with all speed to that place, where the troops could
reembark with greater ease.
Whatever
comfort this intelligence afforded Charles, from being assured that part of his
fleet had escaped, was balanced by the new cares and perplexity in which it
involved him with regard to his army. Metafuz was at least three days’ march
from his present camp; all the provisions which he had brought ashore at his
first landing were now consumed; his soldiers, worn out with fatigue, were
hardly able for such a march, even in a friendly country, and being dispirited
by a succession of hardships which victory itself would scarcely have rendered
tolerable, they were in no condition to undergo new toils. But the situation of
the army was such as allowed not one moment for deliberation, nor left it the
least doubtful what to choose. They were ordered instantly to march, the
wounded, the sick, and the feeble being placed in the centre; such as seemed
most vigorous were stationed in the front and rear. Then the sad effects of
what they had suffered began to appear more manifestly than ever, and new
calamities were added to all those which they had already endured. Some could
hardly bear the weight of their arms; others, spent with the toil of forcing
their way through deep and almost impassable roads, sunk down and died; many
perished by famine, as the whole army subsisted chiefly on roots and berries,
or the flesh of horses, killed by the emperor’s order, and distributed among
the several battalions; many were drowned in brooks, which were swollen so
much by the excessive rains, that in passing them they waded up to the chin;
not a few were killed by the enemy, who during the greater part of their
retreat, alarmed, harassed, and annoyed them night and day. At last they
arrived at Metafuz: and the weather being now so calm as to restore their
communication with the fleet, they were supplied with plenty of provisions, and
cheered with the prospect of safety.
During
this dreadful series of calamities, the emperor discovered great qualities,
many of which a long continued flow of prosperity had scarcely afforded him an
opportunity of displaying. He appeared conspicuous for firmness and constancy
of spirit, for magnanimity, fortitude, humanity, and compassion. He endured as
great hardships as the meanest soldier; he exposed his own person wherever
danger threatened; he encouraged the desponding, visited the sick and wounded,
and animated all by his words and example. When the army embarked, he was among
the last who left the shore, although a body of Arabs hovered at no great
distance, ready to fall on the rear. By these virtues, Charles atoned, in some
degree, for his obstinacy and presumption in undertaking an expedition so fatal
to his subjects.
The
calamities which attended this unfortunate enterprise did not end here; for no
sooner were the forces got on board, than a new storm arising, though less
furious than the former, scattered the fleet, and obliged them, separately, to
make towards such ports in Spain or Italy as they could first reach; thus
spreading the account of their disasters, with all the circumstances of
aggravation and horror, which their imagination, still under the influence of
fear, suggested. The emperor himself, after escaping great dangers, and being
forced into the port of Bugia in Africa [Dec. 21], where he was obliged by
contrary winds to remain several weeks, arrived at last in Spain, in a
condition very different from that in which he had returned from his former
expedition against the infidels.
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