THE SIEGE OF METZ
As
soon as the treaty of Passau was signed, Maurice, in consequence of his
engagements with Ferdinand, marched into Hungary with twenty thousand men [Aug.
3]. But the great superiority of the Turkish armies, the frequent mutinies both
of the Spanish and German soldiers, occasioned by their want of pay, together
with the dissensions between Maurice and Castaldo, who was piqued at being
obliged of resign the chief command to him, prevented his performing anything
in that country suitable to his former fame, or of great benefit to the king of
the Romans.
When
Maurice set out for Hungary, the prince of Hesse parted from him with the
forces under his command, and marched back into his own country, that he might
be ready to receive his father upon his return, and give up to him the reins of
government which he had held during his absence. But fortune was not yet weary
of persecuting the landgrave. A battalion of mercenary troops, which had been
in the pay of Hesse, being seduced by Reifenberg, their colonel, a soldier of
fortune, ready to engage in any enterprise, secretly withdrew from the young
prince, as he was marching homewards, and joined Albert of Brandenburg, who
still continued in arms against the emperor, refusing to be included in the
treaty of Passau.
Unhappily for the landgrave, an account of this reached the
Netherlands, just as he was dismissed from the citadel of Mechlin, where he had
been confined, but before he had got beyond the frontiers of that country. The
queen of Hungary, who governed there in her brother's name, incensed at such an
open violation of the treaty to which he owed his liberty, issued orders to
arrest him, and committed him again to the custody of the same Spanish captain
who had guarded him for five years with the most severe vigilance. Philip
beheld all the horrors of his imprisonment renewed, and his spirits subsiding
in the same proportion as they had risen during the short interval in which he
had enjoyed liberty; he sunk into despair, and believed himself to be doomed to
perpetual captivity. But the matter being so explained to the emperor, as
fully satisfied him that the revolt of Reitenberg's mercenaries could be
imputed neither to the landgrave nor to his son, he gave orders for his release;
and Philip at last obtained the liberty for which he had so long languished.
But though he recovered his freedom, and was reinstated in his dominions, his
sufferings seem to have broken the vigour, and to have extinguished the
activity of his mind: from being the boldest as well as most enterprising
prince in the empire, he became the most timid and cautious, and passed the
remainder of his days in a pacific indolence.
The
degraded elector of Saxony, likewise, procured his liberty in consequence of
the treaty of Passau. The emperor having been obliged to relinquish all his
schemes for extirpating the protestant religion, had no longer any motive for
detaining him a prisoner; and being extremely solicitous, at that juncture, to
recover the confidence and good-will of the Germans, whose assistance was
essential to the success of the enterprise which he meditated against the king
of France, he, among other expedients for that purpose, thought of releasing from
imprisonment a prince whose merit entitled him no less to esteem, than his
sufferings rendered him the object of compassion. John Frederick took
possession accordingly of that part of his territories which had been reserved
for him, when Maurice was invested with the electoral dignity. As in this
situation he continued to display the same virtuous magnanimity for which he
had been conspicuous in a more prosperous and splendid state, and which he had
retained amidst all his sufferings, he maintained during the remainder of his
life that high reputation to which he had so just a title.
The
loss of Metz, Toul, and Verdun, had made a deep impression on the emperor.
Accustomed to terminate all his operations against France with advantage to
himself, he thought that it nearly concerned his honor not to allow Henry the
superiority in this war, or to suffer his own administration to be stained
with the infamy of having permitted territories of such consequence to be
dismembered from the empire.
This was no less a point of interest than of honor.
As the frontier of Champagne was more naked, and lay more exposed than that of
any province in France, Charles had frequently, during his wars with that
kingdom, made inroads upon that quarter with great success and effect, but if
Henry were allowed to retain his late conquests, France would gain such a
formidable barrier on that side, as to be altogether secure, where formerly she
had been weakest. On the other hand, the empire had now lost as much, in point
of security, as France had acquired; and being stripped of the defence which
those cities afforded it, lay open to be invaded on a quarter, where all the
towns having been hitherto considered as interior, and remote from any enemy,
were but slightly fortified. These considerations determined Charles to attempt
recovering the three towns of which Henry had made himself master; and the
preparations which he had made against Maurice and his associates enabled him
to carry his resolution into immediate execution.
As
soon, then, as the peace was concluded at Passau, he left his inglorious
retreat at Villach, and advanced to Augsburg, at the head of a considerable
body of Germans which he had levied, together with all the troops which he had
drawn out of Italy and Spain. To these he added several battalions, which
having been in the pay of the confederates entered into his service when
dismissed by them; and he prevailed likewise on some princes of the empire to
join him with their vassals. In order to conceal the destination of this
formidable army, and to guard against alarming the French king, so as to put
him on preparing for the defence of his late conÂquests, he gave out that he
was to march forthwith into Hungary, in order to second Maurice in his operations
against the Infidels. When he began to advance towards the Rhine, and could no
longer employ that pretext, he tried a new artifice, and spread a report, that
he took this route in order to chastise Albert of Brandenburg, whose cruel
exactions in that part of the empire called loudly for his interposition to
check them.
But
the French having grown acquainted, at last, with arts by which they had been
so often deceived, viewed all Charles's motions with distrust. Henry
immediately discerned the true object of his vast preparations, and resolved
to defend the important conquests which he had gained with vigor equal to that
with which they were about to be attacked. As he foresaw that the whole weight
of the war would be turned against Metz, by whose fate that of Toul and Verdun
would be determined, he nominated Francis of Lorrain, duke of Guise, to take
the command in that city during the siege, the issue of which would equally
affect the honor and interest of his country. His choice could not have fallen
upon any person more worthy of that trust. The duke of Guise possessed, in a
high degree, all the talents of courage, sagacity, and presence of mind, which
render men eminent in military command. He was largely endowed with that
magnanimity of soul which delights in bold enterprises, and aspires to fame by
splendid and extraordinary actions. He repaired with joy to the dangerous
station assigned him, as to a theatre on which he might display his great
qualities under the immediate eye of his countrymen, all ready to applaud him.
The martial genius of the French nobility in that age, which considered it as
the greatest reproach to remain inactive, when there was any opportunity of
signalizing their courage, prompted great numbers to follow a leader who was
the darling as well as the pattern of every one that courted military fame.
Several princes of the blood, many noblemen of the highest rank, and all the
young officers who could obtain the king's permission, entered Metz as
volunteers. By their presence they added spirit to the garrison, and enabled
the duke of Guise to employ, on every emergency, persons eager to distinguish
themselves, and fit to conduct any service.
But
with whatever alacrity the duke of Guise undertook the defence of Metz, he
found everything upon his arrival there, in such a situation, as might have
induced any person of less intrepid courage to despair of defending it with success.
The city was of great extent, with large suburbs; the walls were in many places
feeble and without ramparts; the ditch narrow; and the old towers, which
projected instead of bastions, were at too great distance from each other to
defend the space between them. For all these defects he endeavored to provide
the best remedy which the time would permit. He ordered the suburbs, without
sparing me monasteries or churches, not even that of St. Arnulph, in which
several kings of France had been buried, to be leveled with the ground; but in
order to guard against the imputation of impiety, to which such a violation of
so many sacred edifices, as well as of the ashes of the dead, might expose him,
he executed this with much religious ceremony. Having ordered all the holy
vestments and utensils, together with the bones of the kings, and other persons
deposited in these churches to be removed, they were carried in solemn
procession to a church within the walls, he himself walking before them
bare-headed, with a torch in his hand. He then pulled down such houses as stood
near the walls, cleared and enlarged the ditch, repaired the ruinous
fortifications, and erected new ones. As it was necessary that all these works
should be finished with the utmost expedition, he labored at them with his own
hands: the officers and volunteers imitated his example, and the soldiers
submitted with cheerfulness to the most severe and fatiguing service, when
they saw that their superiors did not decline to bear a part in it. At the same
time he compelled all useless persons to leave the place; he filled the
magazines with provisions and military stores; he burnt the mills, and
destroyed the corn and forage for several miles round the town. Such were his
popular talents, as well as his arts of acquiring an ascendant over the minds
of men, that the citizens seconded him with no less ardor than the soldiers;
and every other passion being swallowed up in the zeal to repulse the enemy,
with which he inspired them, they beheld the ruin of their estates, together
with the havoc which he made among their public and private buildings, without
any emotion of resentment.
Meantime
the emperor having collected all his forces, continued his march towards Metz.
As he passed through the cities on the Rhine, he saw the dismal effects of that
licentious and wasteful war which Albert had carried on in these parts. Upon
his approach, that prince, though at the head of twenty thousand men, withdrew
into Lorrain, as if he had intended to join the French king, whose arms he had
quartered with his own in all his standards and ensigns. Albert was not in a
condition to cope with the Imperial troops, which amounted at least to sixty
thousand men, forming one of the most numerous and best appointed armies which
had been brought into the field during that age, in any of the wars among
Christian princes.
The
chief command, under the emperor, was committed to the duke of Alva, assisted by
the marquis de Marignano, together with the most experienced of the Italian and
Spanish generals. As it was now towards the end of October, these intelligent
officers represented the great danger of beginning, at such an advanced season,
a siege which could not fail to prove very tedious. But Charles adhered to his
own opinion with his usual obstinacy, and being confident that he had made such
preparations, and taken such precautions, as would ensure success, he ordered
the city to be invested. As soon as the duke of Alva appeared [Oct. 191], a
large body of the French sallied out and attacked his vanguard with great vigor,
put it in confusion, and killed or took prisoners a considerable number of men.
By this early specimen which they gave of the conduct of their officers, as
well as the valor of their troops, they showed the Imperialists what an enemy
they had to encounter, and how dear every advantage must cost them. The place,
however, was completely invested, the trenches were opened, and the other works
begun.
The
attention both of the besiegers and besieged was turned for some time towards
Albert of Brandenburg, and they strove with emulation which should gain that
prince, who still hovered in the neighborhood, fluctuating in all the
uncertainty of irresolution, natural to a man, who, being swayed by no
principle, was allured different ways by contrary views of interest. The French
tempted him with offers extremely beneficial; the Imperialists scrupled at no
promise which they thought could allure him. After much hesitation he was
gained by the emperor, from whom he expected to receive advantages which were
both more immediate and more permanent. As the French king, who began to
suspect his intentions, had appointed a body of troops under the duke of
Aumale, brother to the duke of Guise, to watch his motions, Albert fell upon
them unexpectedly with such vigour that he routed them entirely [Nov. 41],
killed many of the officers wounded Aumale himself, and took him prisoner.
Immediately after this victory, he marched in triumph to Metz, and joined his
army to that of the emperor. Charles, in reward for this service, and the great
accession of strength which he brought him, granted Albert a formal pardon of
all past offences, and confirmed him in the possession of the territories which
he had violently usurped during the war.
The
duke of Guise, though deeply affected with his brother's misfortune, did not
remit, in any degree, the vigor with which he defended the town. He harassed
the besiegers by frequent sallies, in which his officers were so eager to
distinguish themselves, that his authority being hardly sufficient to restrain
the impetuosity of their courage, he was obliged at different times to shut the
gates, and to conceal the keys, in order to prevent the princes of the blood,
and noblemen of the first rank, from exposing themselves to danger in every
sally. He repaired in the night what the enemy's artillery had beat down during
the day, or erected behind the ruined works new fortifications of almost equal
strength. The Imperialists, on their part, pushed on the attack with great
spirit, and carried forward, at once, approaches against different parts of the
town. But the art of attacking fortified places was not then arrived at that
degree of perfection to which it was carried towards the close of the sixteenth
century, during the long war in the Netherlands. The besiegers, after the
unwearied labor of many weeks, found that they had made but little progress;
and although their batteries had made breaches in different places, they saw,
to their astonishment, works suddenly appear, in demolishing which their
fatigues and dangers would be renewed. The emperor, enraged at the obstinate
resistance which his army met with, left Thionville, where he had been confined
by a violent fit of the gout, and though still so infirm that he was obliged to
be carried in a litter, he repaired to the camp [Nov. 26]; that, by his
presence, he might animate the soldiers, and urge on the attack with greater
spirit. Upon his arrival, new batteries were erected, and new efforts were made
with redoubled ardor.
But,
by this time, winter had set in with great rigor; the camp was alternately
deluged with rain or covered with snow; at the same time provisions were become
extremely scarce, as a body of French cavalry which hovered in the neighborhood,
often interrupted the convoys, or rendered their arrival difficult and
uncertain. Diseases began to spread among the soldiers, especially among the
Italians and Spaniards, unaccustomed to such inclement weather; great numbers
were disabled from serving, and many died. At length such breaches were made as
seemed practicable, and Charles resolved to hazard a general assault, in spite
of all the remonstrances of his generals against the imprudence of attacking a
numerous garrison, conducted and animated by the most gallant of the French
nobility, with an army weakened by diseases, and disheartened with ill success.
The duke of Guise, suspecting the emperor's intentions from the extraordinary
movements which he observed in the enemy's camp, ordered all his troops to their
respective posts. They appeared immediately on the walls, and behind the
breaches, with such a determined countenance, so eager for the combat, and so
well prepared to give the assailants a warm reception, that the Imperialists,
instead of advancing to the charge when the word of command was given, stood
motionless in a timid, dejected silence. The emperor, perceiving that he could
not trust troops whose spirits were so much broken, retired abruptly to his
quarters, complaining that he was now deserted by his soldiers, who deserved no
longer the name of men.
Deeply
as this behavior of his troops mortified and affected Charles, he would not
hear of abandoning the siege, though he saw the necessity of changing the
method of attack. He suspended the fury of his batteries, and proposed to
proceed by the more secure but tedious method of sapping. But as it still
continued to rain or to snow almost incessantly, such as were employed in this
service endured incredible hardships: and the duke of Guise, whose industry was
not inferior to his valor, discovering all their mines, counter-worked them,
and prevented their effect. At last, Charles finding it impossible to contend
any longer with the severity of the season, and with enemies whom he could
neither overpower by force, nor subdue by art, while at the same time a contagious
distemper raged among his troops, and cut off daily great numbers of the
officers as well as soldiers, yielded to the solicitations of his generals, who
conjured him to save the remains of his army by a timely retreat. "Fortune",
says he, "I now perceive, resembles other females, and chooses to confer
her favors on young men, while she turns her back on those who are advanced in
years".
Upon
this, he gave orders immediately to raise the siege [Dec. 26], and submitted to
the disgrace of abandoning the enterprise, after having continued fifty-six
days before the town, during which time he had lost upwards of thirty thousand
men, who died of diseases, or were killed by the enemy. The duke of Guise, as
soon as he perceived the intention of the Imperialists, sent out several bodies
both of cavalry and infantry to infest their rear, to pick up stragglers, and
to seize every opportunity of attacking thin with advantage. Such was the
confusion with which they made their retreat, that the French might have
harassed them in the most cruel manner. But when they sallied out, a spectacle
presented itself to their view, which extinguished at once all hostile rage,
and melted them into tenderness and compassion. The Imperial camp was filled
with the sick and wounded, with the dead and the dying. In all the different
roads by which the army retired, numbers were found, who, having made an effort
to escape, beyond their strength, were left, when they could go no farther, to
perish without assistance. This they received from their enemies, and were
indebted to them for all the kind offices which their friends had not the power
to perform. The duke of Guise immediately ordered proper refreshments for such
as were dying of hunger; he appointed surgeons to attend the sick and wounded;
he removed such as could bear it to the adjacent villages; and those who would
have suffered by being carried so far, he admitted into the hospitals which he
had fitted up in the city for his own soldiers. As soon as they recovered, he
sent them home under an escort of soldiers, and with money to bear their
charges. By these acts of humanity, which were uncommon in that age, when war
was carried on with greater rancor and ferocity than at present, the duke of
Guise completed the fame which he had acquired by his gallant and successful
defence of Metz, and engaged those whom he had vanquished to vie with his own
countrymen in extolling his name.
To
these calamities in Germany, were added such unfortunate events in Italy as
rendered this the most disastrous year in the emperor's life. During his
residence at Villach, Charles had applied to Cosmo di Medici for the loan of
two hundred thousand crowns. But his credit at that time was so low, that in
order to obtain this inconsiderable sum, he was obliged to put him in
possession of the principality of Piombino; and by giving up that, be lost the
footing which he had hitherto maintained in Tuscany, and enabled Cosmo to
assume, for the future, the tone and deportment of a prince altogether
independent. Much about the time that his indigence constrained him to part
with this valuable territory, he lost Sienna, which was of still greater
consequence, through the ill conduct of Don Diego de Mendoza.
Sienna,
like most of the great cities in Italy, had long enjoyed a republican
government, under the protection of the empire; but being torn in pieces by the
dissensions between the nobility and the people, which divided all the Italian
commonwealths, the faction of the people, which gained the ascendant, besought
the emperor to become the guardian of the administration which they had
established, and admitted into their city a small body of Spanish soldiers,
whom he had sent to countenance the execution of the laws, and to preserve tranquility
among them. The command of these troops was given to Mendoza, at that time
ambassador for the emperor at Rome, who persuaded the credulous multitude, that
it was necessary for their security against any future attempt of the nobles,
to allow him to build a citadel in Sienna; and as he flattered himself that by
means of this fortress he might render the emperor roaster of the city, he
pushed on the works with all possible dispatch. But he threw off the mask too
soon. Before the fortifications were completed, he began to indulge his natural
haughtiness and severity of temper, and to treat the citizens with great
insolence. At the same time the soldiers in garrison being paid as irregularly
as the emperor's troops usually were, lived almost at discretion upon the
inhabitants, and were guilty of many acts of license and oppression.
These
injuries awakened the Siennese to a sense of their danger. As they saw the
necessity of exerting themselves, while the unfinished fortifications of the
citadel left them any hopes of success, they applied to the French ambassador
at Rome, who readily promised them his master's protection and assistance. At
the same time, forgetting their domestic animosities when such a mortal blow
was aimed at the liberty and existence of the republic, they sent agents to the
exiled nobles, and invited them to concur with them in saving their country
from the servitude with which it was threatened. As there was not a moment to
lose, measures were concerted speedily, but with great prudence; and were
executed with equal vigour. The citizens rose suddenly in arms: the exiles
flocked into the town from different parts with all their partizans, and what troops
they could draw together; and several bodies of mercenaries in the pay of
France appeared to support them. The Spaniards, though surprised, and much
inferior in number, defended themselves with great courage; but seeing no
prospect of relief, and having no hopes of maintaining their station long in a
half-finished fortress, they soon gave it up. The Siennese, with the utmost
alacrity, leveled it with the ground, that no monument might remain of that
odious structure, which had been raised in order to enslave them. At the same
time renouncing all connection with the emperor, they sent ambassadors to thank
the king of France as the restorer of their liberty, and to entreat that he
would secure to them the perpetual enjoyment of that blessing, by continuing his
protection to their republic.
To
these misfortunes, one still more fatal had almost succeeded. The severe
administration of Don Pedro de Toledo, viceroy of Naples, having tilled that
kingdom with murmuring and disaffection, the prince of Salerno, the head of the
malcontents, had fled to the court of France, where all who bore ill-will to
the emperor or his ministers were sure of finding protection and assistance.
That nobleman, in the usual style of exiles, boasting much of the number and
power of his partisans, and of his great influence with them, prevailed on
Henry to think of invading Naples, from an expectation of being joined by all
those with whom the prince of Salerno held correspondence, or who were
dissatisfied with Toledo's government. But though the first hint of this
enterprise was suggested by the prince of Salerno, Henry did not choose that
its success should entirely depend upon his being able to fulfill the promises
which he had made. He applied for aid to Solyman, whom he courted, after his
father's example, as his most vigorous auxiliary against the emperor, and
solicited him to second his operations, by sending a powerful fleet into the
Mediterranean. It was not difficult to obtain what he requested of the sultan,
who, at this time, was highly incensed against the house of Austria, on account
of the proceedings in Hungary. He ordered a hundred and fifty ships to be
equipped, that they might sail towards the coast of Naples, at whatever time
Henry should name, and might co-operate with the French troops in their
attempts upon that kingdom. The command of this fleet was given to the corsair
Dragut, an officer trained up under Barbarossa, and scarcely inferior to his
master in courage, in talents, or in good fortune. He appeared on the coast of
Calabria at the time which had been agreed on, landed at several places,
plundered and burnt several villages; and at last, casting anchor in the bay of
Naples, filled that city with consternation. But as the French fleet, detained
by some accident, which the contemporary historians have not explained, did not
join the Turks according to concert, they, after waiting twenty days without
hearing any tidings of it, set sail for Constantinople, and thus delivered the
viceroy of Naples from the terror of an invasion, which he was not in a
condition to have resisted.