THIRD MILLENNIUM LIBRARY
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THIRD MILLENNIUM LIBRARY |
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THE HISTORY OF THE PAPACY IN THE XIXth CENTURY XVIII VICTORIES AND DEFEATS
PlUS IX was not the first of the popes who found a refuge in the rocky Neapolitan fortress. As early as 1118, Gelasius II had sought shelter behind the strong walls of Gaeta, and later popes had also taken refuge there. At first Pius IX preserved his incognito strictly; but as soon as the Neapolitan Royal Family arrived, he moved from the modest inn (II Giardinetto) to one of the royal palaces, and Gaeta became little by little a centre for the political reaction. At length Pius IX had altogether twenty-seven cardinals round him amongst others, Bernetti, Lambruschini and Gizzi; but he did not confide in any of these. Cardinal Antonelli, who had escaped from Rome by the help of the Spanish Secretary of Legation, acted as a sort of temporary Secretary of State, and he became master of the situation. Under his influence Pius drew the conclusion from his experiences, that a pope ought not to support the cause of Italy nor the cause of freedom. It was evidently not unwelcome to Antonelli that the revolution in Rome was making progress. The way would thereby be prepared for an Austrian invasion, and this was the best and surest way for himself and the reaction to come into power. After the Pope's flight, the Muzzarelli Cabinet issued a proclamation, in which they promised to do their duty towards the country and the people. The Romans were highly exasperated, because Pius IX had left their town, and on 27th November Padre Ventura delivered in S. Andrea della Valle an inflammatory sermon upon the insurgents who had fallen during the revolution at Vienna; it created great enthusiasm throughout Rome. But on the same day Pius IX signed a communication to his dearly beloved subjects, in which he regretted that the violence which he had suffered had compelled him to leave the children whom he had loved and whom he still loved. Until his return a Commission of Regency, consisting of Cardinal Castracane, General Zucchi, and five other trusted men, was to rule the affairs of the Papal States. ROSMINI AND ANTONELLI Rosmini, who, at the express desire of Pius IX, had gone to Gaeta, attempted together with the former minister, Montanari, and one or two of the Pope's relations, to show the angry pontiff that the appointment of the proposed Commission of Regency was against the existing Constitution, inasmuch as the Pope's missive was not countersigned by a minister; and that this measure would be most unpractical, because the seven members of the Commission lived at different places, and would have great difficulties in meeting. Rosmini thought it would have been best to make Imola or Ravenna a temporary seat of the government, and to endeavour from thence to restore order in the capital. Rosmini regretted also that the Pope had not left behind him a proclamation when he fled. But neither his objections nor his complaints made any particular impression on the Pope. When Rosmini was received in audience, Antonelli casually entered the room apparently in search of something, but in reality to catch something of the conversation; and after the audience was over he did his best The inhabitants of Rome read with indignation the protest of Pius IX, and the Roman Chamber of Deputies declared, as Rosmini had foreseen, that St Peter's successor had broken the Constitution which he had himself granted. It was then resolved to send a deputation of five members to Gaeta to treat with the papal refugee, and to appeal to him to return to Rome. But the deputation was stopped on the frontier by the Neapolitan police. Dr Fusconi, on the other hand, succeeded in reaching Gaeta, and in spite of the hindrances put in his way by Antonelli, he obtained an audience of the Pope. But his mission was without result. The breach between the Pope and the revolutionary Romans was now incurable. On 7th December the Pope issued an ordinance, prolonging the session of the Alto Consiglio and the Chamber of Deputies; but this indirect acknowledgment of the Constitution never came to the knowledge of the public and the Chamber acted without regard to the Pope, who was looked upon at Rome as the prisoner of the Bourbons. The shout was heard in the streets : Viva la Costituente! and a Giunta was formed, consisting of Prince Corsini, the advocate Galletti, and the Gonfaloniere of Ancona, Count Camerata, who, as a provisional government, called together the Constituent Assembly which was demanded. Many Radical and revolutionary persons, both from abroad and from the rest of Italy, came to Rome amongst others, Garibaldi, who was received by Ciceruacchio, with an embrace and a poem, which contained the following lines : "Un fatto d'armi io vorrei ; Non piu paternostri e giubilei." Rosmini had sugggested that Pius IX should issue a more explicit appeal to his subjects, and at the wish of the Pope he had sketched out such an one himself. But it was quashed by Antonelli. The priest of Stresa had spoken too definitely of the maintenance of the free Constitution, and in mentioning Pellegrino Rossi he had dwelt upon his "profound works", although several of these had met with serious disapproval from Rome during the time of Gregory XVI. When the news of the formation of the Giunta reached Gaeta, it was imperative to say something, but it was Antonelli who stepped forth as spokesman in a new and sharp protest of I7th December. It only poured oil on the fire, and anarchy appeared more and more openly at Rome. Mazzini now came to the city, to share in the harvest from the poisonous seed which he had himself sown; and at length there are said to have been about 20,000 political refugees and adventurers gathered in the city of St Peter. They would not be content with a Costituente Romana; a Constituent Assembly for all Italy, a Costituente Nazionale Italiana, must also meet at Rome. "The Italian union which the poor Pope dreamt of," Metternich writes in his Memoirs, "leads to ruffianly exploits, and more exploits of that kind will be seen, before the equilibrium between the possible and impossible, between history and romance, is reached." Antonelli undoubtedly saw with inward satisfaction the situation at Rome developing as he had wished. But every step was met with a protest from the Pope, until the confusion was so great that remonstrance was superfluous. On New Year's Day, 1849, Pius IX reminded the public that the Council of Trent had threatened to excommunicate anybody who dared to attack the temporal power of the Pope. Courageous priests, in danger of their lives, posted this menacing document at street corners and on church doors at Rome; and from Castel Gandolfo the three members of the papal Commission of Regency, headed by Cardinal Castracane, issued on 18th January a protest against everything that had taken place at Rome. But these remonstrances were of no avail. The elections to the Constituent Assembly were made out, and as Pius IX had forbidden all his adherents either to vote or to allow themselves to be voted for, the Assembly came to consist almost solely of the enemies of the Papacy. On 9th February a decree was passed after a short debate and by a large majority, which stated that the Papacy had forfeited the temporal rule of the States of the Church, but, on the other hand, full independence was assured to the Roman Pope in the execution of his spiritual power. The Papal States were hereafter to be "a pure democracy, which bore the glorious name of the Roman Republic, and which made such connections with the rest of Italy, as the common nationality demanded." The revolution at Rome had now advanced as far as Antonelli wished, and an intervention was now an imperative necessity. On 18th February, therefore, the Cardinal, on behalf of Pius IX, sent a note to Austria, France, Spain, and Naples, in which, after a survey of the past government of his master, he appealed to those powers for help, on the ground that they were especially called upon to extirpate anarchy at Rome, on account of their geographical position, and their devotion to the Papacy. Both the French and the Piedmontese government had desired to show the Pope hospitality if he were obliged to leave Rome. The republican government in France hoped to strengthen its position, and to win the sympathy of the Catholic population, by being as friendly as possible towards St Peter's successor. As early as the beginning of December 1848, Louis Bonaparte had considered it wise, in an article in the Journal LOOKING FOR HELP The flight of Pius IX was to Charles Albert a cause of great sorrow, because for him it presaged the triumph of the demagogues, and the overthrow of the Italian cause. The government at Turin, however, did not merely wish that Pius IX should take up his abode for the time being in Piedmont; they offered also to mediate between the Papacy and the Roman revolutionaries. The Piedmontese feared lest any foreign power, whether Austria, France, or Spain, which undertook this duty of mediation, should seize the opportunity to establish itself firmly in Central Italy. Gioberti, who at that time was the Piedmontese Prime Minister, went even so far as to propound the principle that the Pope durst not seek help from any but an Italian power. In no other way could he free Italy from the ignominy of a foreign invasion. But, according to Antonelli, the interference of Piedmont was not to be thought of. The Piedmontese government could only offer a peaceful diplomatic mediation; what was wanted was armed help. And besides this, the Pope and his counsellor had no confidence whatever in the Piedmontese. Charles Albert had not, like the other powers, broken off diplomatic relations with the revolutionary government at Rome, and the Court of Turin had even wished to entice the Neapolitan government into taking part in the war of independence, by promising King Ferdinand Benevento, which formed part of the papal territory. It was in vain that Gioberti reminded Antonelli of the inclination of the popes themselves to keep up diplomatic relations with existing governments without scrupulous examination of their legitimacy, and he explained to him, to no purpose, that the idea was to allot to the Papacy a piece of Tuscany in compensation for Benevento. Antonelli hated Gioberti, the enemy of the Jesuits, and he had no confidence in the stability of Piedmontese affairs. While Rosmini wished for help from France, Antonelli preferred to see order at Rome re-established by Austrian soldiers, and by Austrian statecraft. As early as June 1848, Pius IX had asked France to send two or three thousand men to the Papal See; but Cavaignac would only grant protection for the Pope's personal safety, not help towards the restoration of order in the Papal States. Now, when the question of intervention was again under debate, Rosmini attempted with the greatest zeal to get France to provide the moral, military, and pecuniary support which the Papacy needed; but the Duke of Harcourt pointed out that St Peter's see had treated the French government of the day very coldly. Besides this, there was a great difficulty. The party, which was in power at Rome, would not recognize the temporal authority of the Pope, and most of the counsellors of Pius IX would have nothing to do with a free Constitution for Rome. They did not, indeed, say so openly; they only said that the country was not ripe for a constitution, but it was easy to see that they would prefer to have the existing Constitution annulled After the receipt of the answer of the Duke of Harcourt Rosmini went to Pius IX and told him that the French government doubted his readiness to uphold the charter which he had granted to his subjects. The Pope dismissed the doubt as an insult, and when Rosmini went on to remark that the doubt was really concerning the attitude of mind of his counsellors, Pius IX replied that he had, on three different occasions, discussed the charter with the College of Cardinals, and that every one of the cardinals had approved of it. But Rosmini was not at all satisfied. He knew the weakness of his sovereign, and he began to realise the effects of the intrigues that had been set on foot in order to destroy his influence with the weak Pope. There were many who had taken offence at Rosmini's statements in Delle cinque piaghe to the effect that it was the proper thing for the priests and congregations to elect the bishops, and he was accused of being an advocate of the separation of the Church from the State. In order to inform the Pope of his real position towards these two questions, Rosmini, after some discussion with Mgr. Corboli-Bussi, delivered to Pius IX a more lengthy explanation. But it did not satisfy Antonelli, and accordingly Pius IX informed Rosmini that it was "not sufficiently explicit". The priest of Stresa was now also struck by the fact that one after another of the Pope's entourage, drew back from him; even the Pope's confessor, Mgr. Stella, who had formerly been so kind, suddenly became remarkably cold, and it began to be said in Gaeta, that Rosmini was not going to be made a cardinal after all. When Rosmini had gone to Naples to have a devotional book printed, he heard that a very personal attack had been made upon him in the Pope's antechamber. He had been called a hypocrite, a communist, and una vera piaga della Chiesa. He also learned accidentally at Naples, that Cardinal Angelo Mai had been commissioned to examine all his writings, but that the learned Cardinal had declined the task, because metaphysics were not his special subject, and because he did not think that he could find time to peruse the thirty volumes which Rosmini had composed. ROSMINI CONDEMNED When the priest of Stresa returned to Gaeta, on 9th June 1849, great changes had taken place. As soon as Pius IX saw him, he exclaimed : "I am now anti-constitutional". When Rosmini then endeavored to make him understand that it was a seriousmatter for a successor of St Peter thus to alter his course and to divide his reign into two, Pius IX declared that he had come to see that a free constitution was incompatible with ecclesiastical government, and that the liberty of the Press, liberty of meeting, and so forth, were pernicious things (cosa intrinsecamente cattiva). Shortly after his return to Gaeta, Rosmini learned also that Antonelli had got the Neapolitan police to examine his political writings, with a view to finding in them something that might render harmless his hated competitor for the favour of Pius IX; and Pius IX himself, as if in passing, let fall some hints to Rosmini, that two of his books were being examined. He might have said much more. As early as I3th May, the Congregation of the Index had pronounced condemnation upon the books, Delle cinque piaghe, and La Costituzione secondo la giustizia sociale, and on 6th June, Pius IX had secretly authorized the placing of these two works on the Index of forbidden books. Rosmini, who was himself an adviser to the Congregation of the Index, did not receive the official communication until 13th August, long after he had left Gaeta and was staying as the guest of Cardinal Tosti at Albano. Before he left Gaeta he once more handed to Pius IX a detailed explanation of his standpoint; but the fate of the two books had already been finally decided. For a nature like Rosmini's, there was nothing else to be done under such circumstances but to submit at once, and return quietly to Stresa. He sent to the magister sacri palatii, a letter informing him of his absolute submission, and then went home to his daily round after the unmitigated failure of his "Roman Mission". Thus Antonelli got rid of his most dangerous rival for the Secretaryship of State, and the Roman Constitution lost its last sincere friend in the entourage of Pius IX. Whilst Antonelli by these intrigues was rendering his opponent harmless, great events had taken place on the political stage. On I2th March, Charles Albert had put an CONFERENCE AT GAETA
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