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THIRD MILLENNIUM LIBRARY |
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THE HISTORY OF THE PAPACY IN THE XIXth CENTURY
CHAPTER VIII
PIUS VII—THE CONCLAVE IN VENICE
PIUS VI had decreed the year before he died that, in view
of the special circumstances, the Conclave which was to
choose his successor should meet where most of the cardinals were living, or
where the Dean of the College of Cardinals, Giovanni Francesco Albani,
thought it most suitable. When Pius VI left
Rome, Cardinal Albani fled to Naples, where he
assembled ten other cardinals, in conjunction with whom he sent
a missive to the Roman Catholic sovereigns, through
the nuncios, to complain of the treatment of the Pope,
and to protest against the occupation of
the patrimony of St Peter. This document caused the Austrian government
much displeasure, partly because it was promulgated from
Naples. It was feared in Vienna that it contained an
indication that the next Conclave would be held
at Naples, and
not on imperial ground, as people in Austria wished.
Cardinal Albani, however,
hastened to inform the Court of Vienna that nobody
thought of holding the Conclave there;
and when the King of the Two Sicilies left his capital
on 31st December 1798, and retired to Sicily,
most of the cardinals who were assembled at Naples set sail for
Venice. As soon as the news of the death of Pius VI reached that
place, at the end of September, 1799, the Cardinal-Dean invited the members of the college to the city of the lagoons
in order to take counsel where the Conclave
should meet. Cardinal Albani had at the
beginning hopes of being able to summon the cardinals to Rome,
because, while Bonaparte was in Egypt, the Russians and
Austrians had expelled the French from Italy. But the Austrian ambassador, Baron-Thugut, seems to
have opposed this project, and, after some discussion, Venice was chosen as
the place for the Conclave.
CONSALVI'S EARLY LIFE This remarkable man, who played a leading part in the history of the
Papacy during the first part of the nineteenth century, was born at Rome on
8th June 1757. His grandfather, Gregorio Brunacci, a nobleman of Pisan
extraction, in order to become heir to a certain Marquis Consalvi, belonging to
one of the richest families of Toscanella, changed his ancient and noble name
of Brunacci for the less high-born, but not less honorable one of Consalvi.
The grandchild of Gregorio Consalvi, Ercole, was the eldest of five children,
who were early left orphans. Ercole and his younger brother were first educated
by the Piarists at Urbino, a branch of the order of
schoolmasters which Jose Calasanzio
of Aragon had founded in 1617. But the brothers remained
there only four years. One of
the Piarists used regularly every evening to chastise the
children on the naked body as a punishment for the faults of the day, and in
the course of such a punishment Ercole's brother sustained a serious damage to
the knee. For this reason both the brothers were taken
away from the school at Urbino, and were admitted into
the college which Cardinal Henry of York at that time opened at Frascati,
close to the ancient Tusculum. The Cardinal of York,
or, as he preferred to be styled, the Cardinal-Duke, was a grandchild of
King James II, and a younger brother of the Stuart Pretender,
Charles Edward, who also lived in Italy under the title of the Earl
of Albany. After the death
of Charles Edward the Cardinal of York called himself
Henry IX, King of France and England, and subscribed to his last
will the signature of Henry Roy. But this designation was
rather an expression of his legitimist views than a
claim to the English crown. Cardinal Henry was a well
meaning man,
but a hypochondriac. The only work which he left
was a sort of medical autobiography privately printed for friends,
which contains an elaborate account of all his
illnesses, and of the doctors whose advice he had sought. He
had no great intellectual gifts,
and no particular learning, but he took pleasure in diffusing
information and in advancing knowledge. The school at Frascati was kept
in excellent condition,
and it acquired a very large library, especially
rich in English books. The young people were taught by able
masters, and the Cardinal-Duke was intimate with both
masters and pupils. He was a great lover of music, and
it was at a musical entertainment that he is said to have first noticed
the young Ercole Consalvi.
Ercole soon became one of his favorite protégés. The old descendant of kings was pleased to find in the gifted young man a strongly developed self-reliance and a firm belief in a glorious future. Consalvi also tried his hand at poetry. Italy, at the time, had poets by the hundred, and all learned men wrote sonnets and canzonette. Most of this so-called poetry was only rhythmical prose, and Consalvi's own contribution to poetical literature does not seem to deserve any other name. He sang in a Latin epigram about Samson and Delilah, and in Italian Anacreontic verse about a tame canary; but he composed also an Italian poem which was recited at one of the annual examinations at Frascati, and this poem betrays the bright hope for the future which the young Abate entertained. It is written in the pastoral style of the time; for the poet of fifteen was a member of the great poetical society of the Jesuits at Rome, called Arcadia, which in spite of its classical Greek dress had chosen Gesú Bambino as its protector. Consalvi addresses Pallas Athene, and implores of her strength for the hard work and the late hours which studies necessitate; but as a reward he expects "renown, honor and riches—a spur to noble deeds". When the young Consalvi had
finished his course at the school and in the seminary at Frascati, he
entered, in 1776, the ecclesiastical Academy in Rome, where amongst others he
had the former
Jesuit Zaccaria for his master. The pupils of this academy were the
special favorites of Pius VI, and Consalvi had scarcely
finished his education, when the Pope in 1783
entrusted him with the office of cameriere
segreto. In this capacity it was his duty to receive those who
desired audiences at the Vatican. Next year he was appointed one of the
Pope's domestic prelates; then a member of the Congregation del buon governo,
and at the same time, for a while, under the protections of his uncle, Cardinal
Negroni, secretary to the great benevolent institution of San Michele a
Ripa. The institution before long underwent a change, and Consalvi in
consequence lost this post, because the Pope considered that his great
gifts could be better employed at the Bar than in administration. When a
member of the pontifical segnatura died, Consalvi obtained the vacant place,
under circumstances which assured him that he was in special favor. His
predecessor died on the Thursday in Holy Week, and on Good Friday
Consalvi was appointed votante di segnatura. He hastened
immediately to the Pope to render him thanks. Although Pius VI as a rule never received
grateful officials, and in spite of the holy day, Consalvi wast
immediately admitted and received by the Pope
with the promise of more conspicuous promotion at the first opportunity. When the
post of nuncio at Cologne became vacant, Pius VI offered his favorite this
important appointment, but he refused, and Pacca was sent instead.
Frascati was then the place where the rich Roman nobility spent the autumn months, and Consalvi often stayed there. Being a close friend of the Cardinal-Duke and a gifted man of society, he became a welcome guest in noble houses both at Frascati and in Rome, so that he came to be called in jest Monsignore Ubique. Amidst his daily duties in Rome and the feasts of Frascati he did not forget his studies; but he endeavored beyond all else to acquire a close knowledge of human nature by intercourse with mankind. Music was his only passion. When Cimarosa, the composer of Il Matrimonio Segreto, Rossini's rival, came to Rome to get his operas put on the stage, Consalvi could spend whole nights with him in order to be the first to hear his works. But he would never listen to Rossini's music. The reorganisation of the papal army had for a long time been a necessity, and it was effected by means of Consalvi. The post of Papal Minister of War was abolished, because the Austrian General, Caprara, who was to superintend the reorganisation, refused to be under the control of a War Minister who was bound to be a prelate. As the Pope on the other hand could not forgo the supervision of his own army, a military Congregation was formed, consisting of the Commander-in-Chief, some officers of high rank, and a prelate with the title of Assessor, who on behalf of the Pope and the Secretary of State was to follow the development of the defences of the country. This important post was given to Consalvi. Very different judgments were passed upon this new military organization, and the carrying of it into effect met with much difficulty. Consalvi, meanwhile, was of opinion that it was done at the right moment because thereby the Directory "lost the satisfaction of seeing, the Pope's throne overturned by a home rebellion". The Directory was obliged to "throw off the mask" and remove Pius VI, and for this act of violence the fate of General Duphot afforded, as we have seen, a welcome opportunity. As soon as the Pope was carried off, Consalvi was seized and thrown into
the Castle of Sant' Angelo. There he remained three or four months, either
because he was altogether forgotten or because the French governors were so
often changed, that they never found time to examine matters
thoroughly. After the expiration of this period he was suddenly removed
from the castle to a monastery, and it was rumoured that he and certain cardinals
and prelates were to be sent into exile at Cayenne. This punishment
was exchanged for deportation to a place chosen by themselves,
and Consalvi and his fellow prisoners were brought to Cività Vecchia, thence to
be carried further off. It was Consalvi's wish to go to Livorno, from whence he
could easily visit Pius VI in the Certosa in the Val d'Ema. His many
friends at Rome, having heard that the prisoners were to be sent to Cayenne,
did all they could to obtain permission for his return to Rome; but by
this they did him an awkward service. When he arrived in Rome, the
Revolution had gained a complete victory, and one or two of the consuls in the
new
Republic were not at all friendly disposed towards him.
Accordingly, he was again taken to the Castle of Sant' Angelo, and his friends
informed him, that they had obtained leave for him to travel to Naples, but not
to the Pope. To this leave, however, was attached the condition, that he
should first ride through the streets on an ass, while the Sbirri whipped him
with leathern thongs. Window seats were already hired in the thoroughfares
through which the procession was to pass; but the French general was opposed to
such a spectacle. Together "with eighteen galley slaves and four respectable people"
Consalvi was sent to Naples. When he came to the frontier, he was not allowed
to cross it, until the Cardinal-Duke, who had fled to Naples, interceded for
him with the Neapolitan Minister, Acton, "who felt himself flattered at
being able to do something for a legitimate prince". At Naples Consalvi
found several friends, but he would not settle down there. He longed to get to
Florence and to see the Pope. On his allegation that his aged uncle on the
mother's side, Cardinal Carandini, who lived at Venice, desired to see him, he
obtained a passport to that town. He travelled by way of Livorno and the Val
d'Ema, and there he met Pius VI. Before leaving the Val d'Ema, he received the
blessing of the dying Pope, and he promised Pius VI to do all that lay in his
power for the Braschi family.
When Consalvi reached Venice towards the end of September, he received
the news that his goods had been confiscated. In the first instance, they had
been appropriated to the Republic on the ground that their owner had emigrated,
but when Consalvi's friends pointed out that this was not the case, the consuls
issued two new decrees. By one of these they restored his property to Citizen
Consalvi, because he had not emigrated, but, by the second, they confiscated
them afresh, because he was an enemy of the Roman Republic. Such was republican
logic.
As soon as Consalvi became secretary of the Conclave, his first duty was to communicate to the various Courts the news of the Pope's death. Under normal conditions this would not be a very formidable task; all that was required was to put together a few sentences in praise of the deceased Pope, and the same letter might be sent to all. But under the circumstances it was a difficult task, and one which demanded a different treatment in each case. Austria had occupied the three Legations and the Papal States right up to the gates of Rome. Naples had taken Rome and the Papal territory as far as Terracina, and the Spanish King had indulged in several acts, which, from the papal point of view, could only be regarded as intolerable encroachments. Furthermore, the Conclave was to be held on foreign ground, in a town belonging to the power which had usurped the possession of several of the Papal provinces. Consalvi did not take in hand the difficult task without anxiety. First of all he sent a letter to the Head of the Holy Roman Empire, in which he spoke of him as a combination of Constantine, Theodosius, and Charles the Great. He reminded him in the letter of the close connection between the throne and the altar, saying: "The enemies of the Church are your enemies. Too many crowned heads, alas, in our time have seen that the princely power falls when the dignity of the Church decays. Restore the Church of God to her ancient splendor; then the enemies of the Crown will shake in terror of the mighty sword, which guards the holy empire!". To Paul I, Emperor of Russia, a member of the Greek Orthodox
Communion, who had ordered his soldiers to protect the Roman Church, was
addressed a missive which breathes a special good-will. The late Pope had
always thought of Paul I—so it tells him—with the liveliest interest, since
the day when he held him in his arms. And who of all the princes could better
avert the perils which threatened the Church? Who could win renown in a
happier way? Even to "the King of France", the exiled Louis
XVIII, who had only been "the Count of Provence" to Pius VI, the
College of Cardinals sent their message and their greeting at the instigation
of Cardinal Maury. It was, so runs the communication to him, the same ungodly
hands that were sullied with the blood of his royal brother, which, in his
kingdom of France, had brought about the death of the saintly Pope. The day
which saw Louis XVIII again seated on the throne of his forefathers would be
a happy day for the Church, as well as for him, for then the Most Christian
King would restore the Church to its ancient splendor, make religion, piety,
and good morals flourish afresh in the kingdom, and form a good and docile
people.
DIFFICULTIES OF THE CARDINALS After the composition of these letters it was the secretary's duty to provide room for the Conclave. When it was held at Rome, the Vatican was its regular meeting-place; on a few occasions, especially when sanitary reasons required it, the cardinals had assembled at the Quirinal. This time the first place which occurred to the cardinals was the roomy Benedictine monastery of S. Giustina at Padua which stood on imperial soil. At one moment they talked of Parma, which seemed to offer many advantages, and, finally, the suggestion was made of either Perugia or Viterbo, where conclaves had been held before, and where the French yoke had then been thrown off. They wished to be upon ground which was both free and historic; but at last it was decided—chiefly, as it seems, for economical reasons—to accept the Emperor's offer of the Benedictine monastery of San Giorgio Maggiore on the lagoon, of which the cupola and high campanile rise immediately opposite the piazza of San Marco and the Riva degli Schiavoni. The months of October and November passed by while the preparations for the Conclave were making, and as both the College of Cardinals and the Papal See were totally destitute of funds, it was necessary for the Austrian government to defray most of the expenses. A few wealthy cardinals, like the Archbishop of Toledo, whose annual income was more than 1,500,000 francs, contributed their share to the many and heavy expenses which the Conclave involved; but most of the cardinals lived in such a depressed condition that they needed support. Some were even reduced to accepting pensions from Protestant governments. Thus Denmark paid a yearly sum of a thousand lire to Cardinal Borgia, who took a paternal interest in all Danish travellers to Rome, while England bestowed £4000 a year upon the Cardinal of York, that he might be able to live "as beseemed his royal birth". Several of the cardinals who lived away from Venice found it difficult
to raise the sum necessary for the journey to the lagoons. The rich Roman
banker, Marchese Torlonia, who had helped the Papacy in the payments connected
with the peace of Tolentino, again placed his credit and his resources at the
disposal of the cardinals; but they took no advantage of his offer any more
than of those from the republican capitalists of Rome.
In the end of November the usual nine days' Masses (novendiali) were celebrated for the deceased Pope, and on 30th November, the first Sunday in Advent, thirty-four out of the forty-six cardinals whom the Roman Church then had, went into conclave. The cardinals assembled with a lively consciousness that great events
were impending. On the very same day, 8th October, when Consalvi sent out the
despatches to the crowned heads, Bonaparte returned from Egypt; and before the
doors were shut upon the cardinals in the monastery of San Giorgio, the 18th of
Brumaire compelled the Directory to make way for the Consulate.
Some important changes in the old rules for the Conclave were of necessity made on this occasion, because Rome was not the place of assembly; but in the main those rules were observed. Some time elapsed, however, before anything was done; the Emperor had been invited to send an ambassador to the Conclave, but the Court of Vienna replied that its interests should be watched over by Cardinal Hrzan, who was on the way to Venice. They were obliged, accordingly, to wait for him. GROUPS AND CANDIDATES As soon as Hrzan arrived, the voting began. Three groups formed themselves amongst the cardinals. The Austrian party ostensibly led by Antonelli, secretly by Hrzan, wished to have the Cardinal-Archbishop of Ferrara, Alessandro Mattei, for pope, because he had taken part in the conclusion of peace at Tolentino. The Austrian government was anxious to retain the Legations which had been ceded by that peace to France, and they therefore desired a pope who might conceivably be willing to acquiesce in such a cession. Some even thought that Austria had already secured the consent of Mattei on this point. But the Austrian party among the cardinals did not immediately propose Mattei. When Hrzan arrived in the Conclave, he only declared that the Emperor wished for a pope who suited him. It was not necessary, he said, to choose a talented man, for in Rome a pope could easily obtain the necessary "lights". But it was important to choose a good man, who was in favor at Vienna. The next main group was, in the strict sense of the word, the Roman party. Its official leader was the nephew of the late Pope, Cardinal Braschi, who gathered round him all the princes of the Church who were under obligations to Pius VI. The real leader of the party was Albani, its candidate Bellisomi, then Bishop of Cesena, formerly nuncio in Poland and in Portugal. He was a man who would unconditionally maintain the rights of the Papal States. Bellisomi had several very faithful followers, amongst others Cardinal Calcagnini, who at a later moment was not far from being chosen Pope by this Conclave. When Hrzan, in the beginning of January, applied to Calcagnini in order to induce him to vote for Mattei, the bold Cardinal answered: "I have been twenty days at Ferrara thinking over the election of a Pope, twenty more at Padua, and twenty more again here at Venice, and my conscience has never been satisfied with anyone but Bellisomi. It is of no avail to speak to me in this matter; I am unchangeable. Good-bye." Besides these two groups, each of which had a definite candidate, there was a third party consisting of the unattached (volanti). To this belonged, amongst others, the Cardinal-Duke of York, the learned Cardinals Borgia and Gerdil, and the French Cardinal, Maury, Bishop of Montefiascone, whose recently published letters to Louis XVIII are an important source of information for the back-stairs history of the Conclave. There are not many members of the Conclave who escape the pointed criticisms passed by the old rival of Mirabeau in his letters to his prince; all the Italians especially are taken severely to task—those unprincipled, untrustworthy beings who have no conception of a great character, and who always understand how to turn round at the right moment, inasmuch as according to their morality it is the greatest folly to be in a minority. Maury is often so unmerciful in his criticism of his colleagues, that he is obliged to remind Louis XVIII of the words of Fenelon: "God does His work in the Conclaves amidst the clash of passions, and it is always His will that prevails."
The French to begin with were fully occupied with other things; and besides, the election of a pope meant very little to France, as France was at the beginning of the new century. Not that that country was quite without friends in the Conclave. Chiaramonti, Di Pietro, and Doria, formerly nuncio at Paris, had in spites of everything great sympathy with the eldest daughter of Rome; but it was dangerous for members of a Conclave held on Austrian soil to acknowledge this sympathy. Spain which in former times, as we have seen, had
taken keen interest in the politics of conclaves, was now wholly indifferent. In 1797, when the death of Pius VI was expected, Carlos IV had
expressed his wish to see the Spanish Cardinal, Lorenzana, in the chair of St
Peter, but D'Azara immediately informed him that for the last two centuries
none but Italians had been elected. To the horror of the cardinals, upon the
death of Pius VI the Spanish king, acting on the advice of his Minister, the
Jansenist d'Urquijo, had immediately liberated his bishops from the oppressive
guardianship of the Roman Curia and his people from several heavy contributions
to the See of St Peter. Accordingly the cardinals at Venice looked with anxiety
towards the land which gave birth to Loyola.
At one of the first ballots Bellisomi obtained eighteen votes, and from private conversations it became clear that a still larger number were disposed to vote for him. It seemed therefore that the Conclave would end quickly; but this was against the interests of Austria. Accordingly, Hrzan began his intrigues. He represented to Albani, the Dean of the College of Cardinals, how all-important it was for all friends of the Papal States to have a pope who was a persona grata at Vienna; that Bellisomi was by no means such a person, while Mattei was eminently so. Albani answered that the imminent election of Bellisomi would be the result of the free vote of the cardinals, and that he was in no position to hinder it. If on the other hand Austria chose to use her right of veto, that would be another matter. Hrzan then declared that he had not actually received orders to veto Bellisomi's election, but that he wished to consult his Court on the subject. He begged therefore that the final voting might be postponed until he could receive an answer from Vienna. Albani was weak enough to consent to such a
postponement, although it was unlawful and involved a violation of the freedom
of the Conclave. When Hrzan promised to abstain from all intrigues in the
meanwhile, Albani, in consideration of Austria's political supremacy at the
time, accorded a postponement of the decision for eleven or twelve days.
Hrzan did not keep his promise. The courier was scarcely despatched
before he began to set his party in motion to make Bellisomi's election
impossible. "There was in the Conclave", says Consalvi, "a very
upright and deserving cardinal, respected by all, but not loved by any, because
he was of a hard nature". Joined to his many good qualities, this prelate
had the failing of wishing to make people believe that everything that happened
was due to him. He was not in sufficient favor to form any hope of the tiara
for himself, but at least he would "create" the pope, and he used
the delay accorded to Hrzan to concoct intrigues. Consalvi does not give the
name of the cardinal he thus describes; but from the notes left by Cardinal
Doria's conclavist, we know that Antonelli is meant. He had espoused Mattei's
candidature with the greatest zeal, and he argued that, the friendship of
Austria would be the best means of recovering the Legations. At the same time
Hrzan reminded the cardinals that Charles the Great, in his time, carried without difficulty the election of Hadrian I, and] Charles V
the election of Hadrian VI; a similar complaisance ought to be shown to the
Emperor now. By this means, Austria, which at the moment was the dominant
power in Italy, might perhaps be induced to be more accommodating in relation
to the Papacy. By the united energy of Hrzan and of Antonelli, Mattei soon
obtained ten, and even thirteen, votes. But the reckless agitation of Hrzan
caused also many anxieties, and aroused strong opposition on the part of those
who did not wish for a pope who was in the hand of Austria. When the bold
Austrian tried his powers of persuasion upon Albani, the Cardinal-Dean
declared that the sacred college was determined to have full liberty in giving
the Church a head, and so long as the cardinals were occupied with the
fulfilment of this greafl duty, they would confidently leave the interests of
the Holy See to Providence. Albani became so excited in the course of this
conversation with Hrzan that he had a fainting fit; but he had expressed the
thoughts of many of the cardinals and his answer to Hrzan went the round of
the Conclave as a winged word.
The message, which came at last from Vienna, contained
a strong recommendation of Mattei; but, after what had
happened, to elect him was an impossibility. An attempt was then made to
gather the votes round one or two of the "unattached" and Calcagnini; and the last-named cardinal
obtained four and twenty votes. His election was
thus
assured; but when the cardinals prepared themselves to
kiss his hand in homage, Hrzan on behalf
of the Court of Vienna interposed the veto. There was again a
deadlock.
While these painful events were taking place in the
Conclave, revolutionary disturbances occurred in Venice It
was necessary to fetch new troops to keep order, and guns were mounted by
the church and monastery on San Giorgio, to protect the Conclave against
emergencies.
MAURY AND RUFFO To Maury more than anyone else belongs the honor of having discovered the solution which brought an end to the more and more unseemly proceedings of the Conclave. In 1798, Louis XVIII had told this representative of his in the College of Cardinals, that he desired above all things to see him in the chair of St Peter. "I wish", he wrote to Maury, "that the future Head of the Church may be a man of ripe years, though not an old man; a man who has already given evidence of courage and good principles, whose eloquence is known all over Europe, and whose health is such as to bear the strain which now more than ever before will be inseparable from the papal tiara. In this picture your name only is wanting; it is you whom I wish to see elevated to the papal throne, and this would be the greatest good fortune that could befall France and the Church". It is hardly likely that there were many besides Louis XVIII who dreamt of seeing the Cardinal of Montefiascone made Pope, and Maury's own ambition did not go further than to "create" the new Pope. He used often to drink chocolate with one of his nearest neighbours in the Conclave, Cardinal Ruffo of Naples, and with him he naturally discussed again and again the great question of finding a candidate who might command a sufficient number of votes. Although Maury was Ruffo's "friend", he did not omit to give his King a malicious little silhouette of this Italian among others. Both in the service of Pius VI and in that of the King of Naples he had displayed considerable political and military skill. Maury does not deny that Ruffo was born with talent, but he says that his character is brutal, and that he can neither master nor conceal his thoughts. He has a happy memory, but not many ideas, and his reading is limited to a few books on political economy which he thinks that nobody but himself has read. There is, doubtless, much that is strikingly like in this portrait, but part of it describes Maury himself as much as Ruffo. They were two kindred souls, and both of them enjoyed but a small degree of esteem amongst the other cardinals. Maury had constantly the impression that he was not highly valued in the sacred college, and Ruffo told his sovereign that he never spoke to others except when actually necessary, because on account of his political past in Naples they considered him a Jacobin. It was a chance that brought Maury and Ruffo together; but they suited each other admirably, and when Mattei Bellisomi, and others had proved impossible, the two friends cast their eyes upon a new candidate, who littl by little won favourable opinions. Ruffo tells his King that he had now and then conversed with another of the "Jacobins" of the Conclave. In his walks in the monastery garden, he sometimes met a cardinal "who walked with a very quick step, and used to hum one of the well-known tunes of the day as he went along". At first Ruffo had saluted him, then in passing exchanged a word or two and at last it had come to longer conversations between the two "Jacobins". These conversations had convinced Ruffo that Chiaramonti— that was the name of the cardinal—was the right man, both in view of the needs of the time and in view of the private-wishes of Naples. Maury also had arrived at the same result. Although it was chiefly due to his energy that the cardinals before the Conclave saluted the Count of Provence as King of France, he had nevertheless followed with the greatest interest the rising star of General Bonaparte; and he shared the Italian dread of being in the minority, even if the minority was gathered round a legitimate king. It is not easy to decide whether he divined beforehand what a masterful part Bonaparte was by and by to play in his country—the country which he never forgot—or whether he thought that the formidable general, like another Monk, might be able to bring about a restoration of the Bourbons. In the letter which he despatched to Louis XVIII after the news of the 18th of Brumaire, he concluded with the following ambiguous words: "So now we have in Paris a new revolution, which will bring the true counter-revolution to ripen. This military government, which has been so hideously unmasked, creates horror. It means the end of Bonaparte, unless it be for him only the first step on the true and genuine path of honor." While many of the other cardinals looked upon Austria as the power which beyond all others ought to be propitiated by the new Papal election, Maury became more and more convinced, that the centre of gravity lay and would always lie in his native land, and that General Bonaparte in one way or another was the man of the future. It was therefore of the utmost importance to secure a pope who had shown himself able to understand the French, and who would not be frightened when the words liberty and equality were mentioned. Such a man was the Cardinal of Imola. And if Maury could carry his election through, he would not only confer a benefit on the Church and on his own country but also on himself; because he who creates the Pope, has a right to expect to have his activity appreciated. And Maury had many wishes, which he expressed freely and unblushingly. In the letter which he sent to King Louis XVIII only a week after the end of the Conclave, he was already able to inform him that his nephew had obtained a canonry in St Peter's at Rome, and that he himself had prospects of the richly endowed Archbishopric of Fermo, which would bring in 70,000 lire a year, and that he hoped that in that case his brother would succeed to the bishopric of Montefiascone! Many things serve to indicate that it was not entirely for the sake of France and of the Church, that Cardinal Maury decided to work for the election of Chiaramonti, coupled as it was with peculiar difficulties. BARNABA CHIARAMONTI
Barnaba Luigi Chiaramonti was born on 14th August 1742 at Cesena in the
Legation of Forli. His father belonged to the Italian nobility, but not to the
most distinguished nor to the richest section of it. He had studied at Parma,
and at the age of sixteen he joined the Benedictine order, on which occasion he
added the name of Gregory to his baptismal name. At a later time he came to
Rome as a teacher of divinity, and there he defended in public certain theses,
amongst others this, that there is a place in heaven for women, which a
contemporary fanatic had denied. He was distantly related to Pius VI, and by
his favor the young Chiaramonti was made titular abbot of the Benedictine
monastery of San Callisto, so that he was allowed to wear the ring and mitre,
and occupied a special seat in the choir of the monastery; but was
otherwise under the abbot chosen by the monks themselves.
This papal appointment caused jealousy in the monastery, and several
complaints were raised against Abbot Gregory. During the examination of these
complaints, Pius VI made closer acquaintance with his kinsman, and came to be
very fond of him. When the bishopric of the beautiful Tivoli became vacant,
Chiaramonti was appointed to it, but he continued to be a monk in mind and
thought. In the wood by Tivoli he allowed several hermits to build their
huts—amongst others the Redemptorist, Clement Hoffbauer of Vienna.
When the Pope's uncle, Cardinal Bondi, died, the see of Imola became
vacant, and Chiaramonti exchanged Tivoli for Imola; shortly afterwards he was
made Cardinal. As Cardinal-Bishop of Imola, Chiaramonti gained a reputation
for gentleness and firmness. He was very beneficent; and many of the exiled
French priests were hospitably received by him. He always gave away the half
of his income, and many times because of his generosity, he found himself
quite at a loss for means. When he had to travel to the Conclave at Venice, he
was obliged to borrow the money for the journey from another cardinal.
As Bishop of Imola, Cardinal Chiaramonti had taken a step which set most of his colleagues against him; but it was precisely the thing which had awakened the sympathy of Maury and Ruffo. In 1797 when the French, before the peace of Tolentino, invaded Italy, many members of the hierarchy fled; but the Bishop of Imola was one of the few pastors who remained with their flocks. On 2nd February 1797, the day after war had been declared against the Pope, French troops passed through Imola, and they took up their quarters in the palace of Chiaramonti. When Bonaparte came to Ancona, the bishop of which had fled, he said to those who brought him the keys of the city : "The Bishop of Imola, who is also a cardinal, has not fled; I did not see him on my way through, but he is at his post". A JACOBIN SERMON
At Christmas 1797 Chiaramonti preached
a sermon which he afterwards published
in print. After having spoken of the birth of Christ at
Bethlehem, he exhorted the congregation to appreciate the Divine favor,
which was shown to them in the proclamation of the glad tidings. Christianity,
he said, is the true liberty; but liberty is something different from the
disintegration of society and the anarchy which confounds evil and good. True
liberty creates peace and happiness; but peace is a daughter of civil order,
and is only to be found where there are authorities to whom obedience is paid.
Therefore the Catholic religion teaches that to resist the magistrate is to
resist God. "The democratic rule which now is introduced among us",
that is, the Cisalpine Republic, "is not opposed to the principles which
I have set forth; it is not against the gospel; it demands on the contrary the
lofty virtues, that are only to be attained in the school of Jesus
Christ. How the virtues flourished in the free States of ancient
heathendom—in Sparta, Athens, and ancient Rome! Even the Fathers of the Church
spoke of them with admiration. Our virtues will make us good democrats,
but of the kind who work without an afterthought for the common weal, who
renounce hatred, dishonesty, and ambition, and who are as careful to respect
other people's rights as to fulfil their own duties. Thereby the true equality
is also established, the equality which teaches man, what he owes to God, to
himself, and to his equals. An absolute external equality of endowments
and of wealth is not to be found, and never will be found. Such a
fanciful, arithmetical equality, if I may call it so, would turn everything
upside down in the natural and moral world. But the virtues by themselves
cannot enable us to do our duty in the right way. Only the gospel can do
that—the gospel which creates Christian virtues. The beauty of the gospel struck
even the author of Émile, as is clearly shown by his expressions in the
confessions of the Savoyard priest. And the gospel teaches us obedience. Let us humble ourselves under the designs of Providence. Do not think that the
Catholic religion and the democratic form of government are irreconcilable.
When you are wholly Christians you will be excellent democrats. Imitate our
Saviour's obedience and humility by submitting yourselves to the laws and to
the lawful authority!". The sermon concluded with an appeal to the priests
to be patterns of Christianity and philanthropy; by that means all virtues
would take root in those entrusted to their care, and the honour of the Republic and the welfare of the
citizens would thrive.
This was a different language from what people were accustomed to hear
from Italian pulpits, but the preacher had nevertheless, at no point, forsaken
Christian ground. He had pointed out that liberty and equality can only
flourish with Christianity as their presupposed foundation, and he had
unsparingly refuted the false view of these conceptions. Artaud may be right,
when he says that the schoolmaster is to be seen throughout this sermon; it is
cold and clear. But Botta testifies that "these words, spoken with great
amiability by so distinguished a man, pacified men's spirits, did their hearts
good, and helped to found the new order of things." Such a sermon,
however, was not a high road to St Peter's Chair. Napoleon calls it somewhere a
Jacobin discourse, and amongst the cardinals Chiaramonti was regarded as
tainted with republicanism. He was, moreover, somewhat young; a Pope of sixty
gave no assurance of a speedy change in the papacy.
This plan was put in action. Antonelli fell into the trap, and began at once to advocate eagerly the cause of Chiaramonti within his own party. At the same time Consalvi went to Braschi and suggested to him the election of Chiaramonti. Braschi thought the idea an exceedingly happy one, but he doubted if the opposite party would agree to it. To escape suspicion, it was arranged that Braschi should wear the appearance of being greatly surprised, but nevertheless wholly indifferent, in case Antonelli should speak to him about Chiaramonti's election. The play went off very well; there remained only one little knot to untie. Cardinal Hrzan hesitated on account of Austria and the Legations. He had no acquaintance at all with Chiaramonti, and he felt bound in any case to sound him before he could give him his vote. A visit to Chiaramonti's cell taught him that the Bishop of Imola had the same respect for the treaty of Tolentino as for the lawful authorities in the Cisalpine Republic, and that he cared more for the maintenance of the spiritual authority of the Church than for the preservation of the temporal power. It was also a comfort to Cardinal Hrzan to notice that Chiaramonti had only entertained a passing thought, if any, of the possibility of being made pope, and accordingly he had not provided himself with a Secretary of State. Yet Hrzan was not at all sure what attitude to adopt towards the election of the Bishop of Imola beyond despatching a courier to Vienna forthwith, to receive orders from Baron Thugut. But this time the cardinals would not wait to receive the word of command from the Emperor. On 12th March came that confusion in the Conclave which generally betokens that the end is in sight; and in the evening of 13th March Braschi's party went to Chiaramonti's cell to kiss his hand. After them came the unattached, and last, Antonelli with the Austrians,—the proud cardinal still under the impression that all this, like everything else, was his own doing. But Hrzan did not give up all hope for lost. He would not pay homage to Chiaramonti; he demanded that everything should be put off until the arrival of the courier from Vienna, but the cardinals would not hear of it. Then he began to intrigue afresh. He worked all night, and at every hour he brought forward a new candidate, but all in vain. After the kissing of hands the election was complete, and while Hrzan went restlessly from cell to cell the Bishop of Imola sat quietly in his own, and wrote letters to the sovereigns, to the Papal Nuncios, and to Rome; and his servant were busily engaged in shortening the papal robes, which were too long for him. ELECTION AND CORONATION
At last the day dawned which, as Consalvi expressed it, put an
end to the widowhood of the Church. On 24th March, the voting commenced
at the usual hour, and all the votes were given
to Chiaramonti. As soon a the election was
accomplished, all the cardinals who sat on the same side
as the newly-chosen Pope quitted their
seats and left him by himself
as a token of reverence. The Cardinal-Dean
then went to the Bishop of
Imola, and asked him in the usual way whether he accepted the election. Chiaramonti
begged for a
moment's pause in which to pray; but after
the
prayer he answered briefly that he accepted it with
a lively sense of his own unworthiness, and in confident reliance upon the
aid of the cardinals. He was then asked what name he would assume as Pope, and
he answered, that out of gratitude to his predecessor he would bear the name of
Pius VII. After the acceptance of the election, the new Pope was led to the
altar and vested in the papal robes. Thereupon the cardinals proceeded to adore
him, and the chapel was thrown open that the conclavists also might pay their
homage to the new Pope. While the Pope received it, Cardinal Doria informed the
crowd, which had gathered in the little square in front of the church, that
Chiaramonti had been made Pope under the name of Pius VII. After that, the
Conclave was thrown open and the people admitted to kiss the Pope's foot. In
the afternoon Pius VII was carried in procession to the abbey church, and
placed on the altar, where all the cardinals and the congregation knelt down
before him, as the custom is, in silent adoration. Outside in the square two
orchestras played, and in the evening the campanile, the dome and door of the
church, and the whole monastery were splendidly illuminated. All the church
bells rang, with short intervals, for three days in succession, and the Piazza
of San Marco also was illuminated in festive manner, "but,
nevertheless", says a newspaper of the time, "the rejoicing and
interest was not nearly so great as might have been expected". The
Austrians in Venice did not even put candles in their windows.
In ordinary circumstances the Pope is crowned in St Peter's eight days
after the election, and outside Rome the coronation is generally performed in
the principal church of the place. Everybody therefore hoped that the Pope
would be crowned in San Marco, and they expected to see the inhabitants and the
official world of Venice gathered together in that large and splendid space.
But the imperial agents in Venice dared not give permission. They said that
they had made enquiries at Vienna, and had received no answer. Consalvi is not
disinclined to believe that the communication which came from Vienna was to
the effect that they should say that no answer had come,
in order not to give a flat refusal. For the coronation was an expression of the temporal
power of the Pope, and the Imperial Court preferred to think that the temporal
power was at an end. Others have imagined that Austria refused the request for
financial reasons, but that is improbable. Consalvi informs us that the devout
Catholics in Venice were ready to bear all the expenses of the coronation,
"so that it should not cost the Imperial Court a penny." Pius VII
expressed to Cardinal Hrzan his surprise at the attitude of Austria, but the
only answer he obtained was that the Cardinal had received no orders on the
point. Accordingly, there was nothing else to be done but either to omit the
coronation altogether, or to let it take place in the abbey church. Pius VII
chose the latter expedient, and on 21st March he was crowned in San Giorgio. A
devout Venetian nobleman presented the chair in which he was carried, and the
papal chaplains followed with the tiara. According to the ancient custom a tuft
of cotton is thrice burned before the Pope, and at the same moment he is
addressed with the words: "Holy Father, so vanishes the glory of the
world!". A deacon removes the episcopal mitre from the Pope's head, and
another places the triple crown upon it instead, saying: "Receive the tiara
with the three crowns, and know that thou art the father of princes and the
leader of kings, yea, the vicar of our Saviour Jesus Christ upon earth!".
Thereupon the Pope thrice pronounces the blessing, and with this blessing is
connected a plenary indulgence.
VOYAGE TO ROME
As Pius refused to go to Vienna, an imperial ambassador, the Marchese
Ghislieri, suddenly arrived at Venice. He explained to Consalvi, that the
Austrian Court was willing to give back to the Pope his former territories with
the exception of the three Legations, which the Emperor wished to retain.
Consalvi made a provisional remonstrance against such a plan, but referred
Ghislieri to the Pope himself. Pius declared that he would never give his consent
to such a cession, and Ghislieri then met him with an amendment. Austria would
be content with two of the Legations and a small strip of the third. When the
Pope set himself equally against this proposal, Ghislieri grew angry and
hastened off to Consalvi, to whom he vented his bitterness in complaints of
this Pope, "who was so new to the trade". But Consalvi was quite
unable to give the angry envoy any consolation. Ghislieri failed equally to
obtain a hearing, when he expressed his Emperor's displeasure at the fact that
Pius VII, as well as the cardinals before the Conclave, had acknowledged the
Count of Provence as King of France. Pius listened with a smile to the
complaints of the vehement ambassador.
When everything was provisionally arranged, Pius VII made ready to go to Rome. It was his intention to travel by land, but Austria forbade it. A journey through the Legations would be dangerous, for the inhabitants would undoubtedly pay homage to the new Pope as their legitimate sovereign. For this reason the Austrians proposed that the Pope should sail to Pesaro, the extreme point of the papal territory. The frigate Bellona was set in order for this journey, and the Pope and his small circle went on board the poor ship, together with the Marchese Ghislieri, "as the Pope's jailer", says Consalvi. Pius VII often related in after days, that the captain of a Turkish vessel had offered to accompany him, but that he had refused it. The Bellona drew too much water, so that the guns had to be unshipped before the party could start, and the passage was exceedingly disagreeable. From Pesaro the Pope continued his journey by land, still accompanied by his "jailer," who was greatly depressed at Ancona to hear of the battle of Marengo. On 3rd July, Pius VII made his entry into his capital, greeted by the enthusiasm of the people; and, on the spot where a crown had been offered to General Berthier, a splendid triumphal arch was erected in honor of the Pope. The Romans did all they could to show their devotion to the new pontiff; the Roman Republic had lasted too short a time to take much root among the people. The Pope's first steps were directed to the grave of the Prince of the Apostle, where he prayed. "No revenge, no hateful persecutions", says the Prussian counsellor of legation, Bartholdy, "stained the return of the Papal government. Pius VII and' his ministers showed gentleness and forgetfulness of the past both in 1800 and in 1814." PIUS VII AND CONSALVI
On 11th August Consalvi was appointed Cardinal-Deacon, and the Pope made a speech on the occasion, in which he bestowed high praise upon the earlier life of the secretary of the Conclave, but especially upon his activities at Venice. On the same day, Consalvi was made Secretary of State or Prime Minister, and by that means became the life and soul of all the actions of the Papal See. It is doubtful whether Pius VII could have found a better minister, for he and Consalvi supplemented each other well. Pius had lived far away from the world and its noise, and he knew but little of politics and diplomacy. Consalvi, on the other hand, was versed in political relations as only few ecclesiastics were, and gifted as still fewer with powers of statesmanship. The whole of Italy greeted him as "a worthy heir of the immortal political geniuses of Rome, who were half swans, half foxes, and who have accomplished more conquests with words than kings with the sword". Contemporary diplomatists applied to him what Sixtus V said of Cardinal d'Ossat, the ambassador of Henry IV to Rome: "In order to escape his observation, it is not enough to keep silence; you must refrain from thinking in his presence". Pius VII was
gentle and amiable, and looked at everything on the bright side. He could lull
himself to any extent with illusions; but when they burst, he could be more
possessed with terror than was becoming for a man. Consalvi did not lay himself
out so much to disappointments in happy times, and he had more firmness in
times of misfortune. Both of them had great gifts for winning people. Pius VII
drew everyone to himself by the amiability which shone from his whole
personality. Consalvi was, as the Romans called him, "a siren", whose
strength lay in a charming courtesy and in his powers of persuasion. "If
we could fix a pattern to serve for all popes, it ought to be that of Pius
VII", says De Pradt. It might be added, that for popes of the type of
Pius VII it must always be desired that they should have such Secretaries of
State as Consalvi. This, however, must not be taken to mean that Pius was only
a tool in Consalvi's hands, without will of his own, as has sometimes been
represented. Consalvi won his master's absolute confidence by giving him every
day exact and detailed information of everything that took place at home and
abroad, so that he was constantly in a state of readiness for all events. But
Pius VII and his minister were not always agreed. When the Pope leaned his
head on one side and looked fixedly in front of him, Consalvi knew that they
differed so much in their views that it was useless to go further. Often did
Pius VII make many objections before he gave in to the persuasive arguments of
the "siren", and Consalvi dared not gain too many consecutive victories.
There was also a great difference in the way in which the two men
looked upon the conditions of the time. The sympathy for liberty and for France, which the
Bishop of Imola had displayed, was never quite renounced by the
Pope. But Consalvi, who had been educated in the
legitimist circle of the Cardinal-Duke, and was intimate
with the aunts of Louis XVIII, was a conservative by nature who had no
feeling for notions of liberty, but only sympathy
for the old regime in France. And there was,
moreover, a deeper
divergence still—Pius VII was of a contemplative,
religious nature; Consalvi's bent was more external and
political.
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